§ 64. Verbs Middle Guttural, e. g. jx;v' to slaughter.

a

The slight deviations from the ordinary inflexion are confined chiefly to the following1: —

1. When the guttural would stand at the beginning of a syllable with simple ewaÖ, it necessarily takes a HÍatÌeph, and almost always HÍatÌeph–PathahÌ, e. g. perfect Wjx]v†', imperfect Wjx]v.yI, imperative NiphÇal Wjx]V†'hi. In the imperative Qal, before the afformatives and , the original PathaÌ is retained in the first syllable, and is followed by HÍatÌeph-PathahÌ, thus, yqi[]z†;àWq[]z†;, &c.; in Wbh/a†, the preference of the a for SeghoÖl (but cf. also %Wzx/ay*o Jer 13:21) has caused the change from to in Wdx]v†i Jb 6:22, even remains before a hard guttural.

So in the infinitive Qal fem., e. g. hb'h]a†; to love, hb'a]D†; to pine; and in the infinitive with a suffix Hd'[]s†;l. Is 9:6; the doubtful form hj'x]v†; Ho 5:2, is better explained as infinitive piÇeÒl (= ht'x]v†;).

b

2. Since the preference of the gutturals for the a-sound has less influence on the following than on the preceding vowel, not only is HÍolem retained after the middle guttural in the infinitive Qal jxov. (with the fem. ending and retraction and shortening of the o hc'x.r' and hq'x\r†') cf. § 45 b), but generally also the SÍere in the imperfect NiphÇal and piÇeÒl, e. g. ~xeL'yI he fights, ~xen:y> he comforts, and even the more feeble SeghoÖl after waÒw consecutive in such forms as ~x,L'ñYIw:à~y<P'ñTiw: Gn 41:8 (cf., however, #[;ñW"YIw:, 1 K 12:6, &c.). But in the imperative and imperfect Qal, the final syllable, through the influence of the guttural, mostly takes PathahÌ, even in transitive verbs, e. g. jx;v.àjx;v.yI È q[;z>àq[;z>yI È rx;B.àrx;b.yI; with suffixes (according to § 60 c), imperative ynInEòx'B.àynIWlña'v., imperfect WhWòla'g>yI.

c

With in the imperative Qal, the only instances are l[on> 2 S 13:17; zxoa/ Ex 4:4, 2 S 2:21, fem. yzIx\a†, Ru 3:15 (with the unusual repetition of the lost as HÍatÌeph–QamesÌ; 2nd plur. masc. in pause Wzx+oa/ Neh 7:3; without the pause Wzx/a†, Ct 2:15); -d['s. Ju 19:8.2 Finally hm'[]z†o for hm'[\z†', Nu 23:7, is an example of the same kind, see § 63 p. Just as rare are the imperfects in of verbs middle guttural, as ~hon>yIàzxoa/y),àl[om.Ti Lv 5:15, Nu 5:27 (but l[;m.YIw: 2 Ch 26:16); cf. ydIx\v.Tiw: Ez 16:33; -l['p.Ti Jb 35:6. Also in the perfect PiÇeÒl, PathahÌ occurs somewhat more frequently than in the strong verb, e. g. ~x;nI to comfort (cf., however, !heKiàdxeKiàvxeKiàtxevi); but a and [ always have in 3rd sing.— On the inifinitive with suffixes, cf. § 61 b.

d

3. In PieÒl, PuÇal, and HithpaÇeÒl, the Dagesë forte being inadmissible in the middle radical, the preceding vowel, especially before hàx and [, nevertheless, generally remains short, and the guttural is consequently to be regarded as, at least, virtually strengthened, cf. § 22 c; e. g. PiÇeÒl qx;fiàWlx]n)i Jos 14:1, yTir>[;b†iW 1 K 14:10, gh;nI Ex 10:13 (cf., however, rx;ae Gn 34:19; T'l.h;ñnE Ex 15:13, but in the imperfect and participle lhen:y>, &c.; in verbs h¾¾l, e. g. h['re), infinitive qxef;, PuÇal #x;ru (but cf. WxDo y Ps 36:13 from hx'D', also the unusual position of the tone in !x;Boñ3 Ez 21:18, and in the perfect HithpaÇeÒl yTic.x;ñr't.hi Jb 9:30); HithpaÇeÒ perfect and imperative Wrh]J†;hi, &c.; in pause (see §§ 22 c, 27 q, 29 v, 54 k) Wrh†'J,hi Nu 8:7, 2 Ch 30:18; ~x'n<t.yI Nu 23:19, &c.

e

The complete omission of the strengthening, and a consequent lengthening of the preceding vowel, occurs invariably only with r (tR;K' Ez 16:4 is an exception; ht'r+'Ko also occurs, Ju 6:28), e. g. %r;Be (in pause %reBe), imperfect %reb'y>, PuÇal %r;Bo. Before a it occurs regularly in the stems raeBeàlaeGEà!aemeàraePe, and in the HithpÇaeÒl of vabàhar, and hav; on the other hand, a is virtually strengthened in the perfects, @aenI (once in the imperfect, Jer 29:23) to commit adultery, #aenI to despise (in the participle, Nu 14:23, Is 60:14, Jer 23:17; according to Baer, but not ed. Mant., or Ginsb., even in the imperfect #aenIy> y Ps 74:10), raenI to abhor La 2:7 (also hT'r>a;ñnE y Ps 89:40) and laevi y Ps 109:10; morover, in the infinitive vaey: Ec 2:20, according to the best reading. On the MappiÖq in the PuÇal Waiñru Jb 33:21, cf. § 14 d.

f

Rem. 1. In the verb la;v' to ask, to beg, some forms of the perfect Qal appear to be based upon a secondary form middle e, which is SÍere when the vowel of the a stands in an open syllable, cf. ^l.a†ev. Gn 32:18, Ju 4:20; ynIWlñaev. y Ps 137:3; but in a closed syllable, even without a suffix, ~T,l.a,v. 1 S 12:13, 25:5, Jb 21:29; WhyTiñl.aiv. Ju 13:6, 1 S 1:20. Cf., however, similar cases of attenuation of an original , § 69 s, and especially § 44 d. In the first three examples, if explained on that analogy, the attenuated from would have been lengthened to (before the tone); in the next three would have been modified to Also in the HiphÇil-form WhyTiñl.aiv.hi 1 S 1:28 the ai is merely attenuated from a;.

g

2. In PiÇeÒl and HithlpaÇeÒl the lengthening of the vowel before the guttural causes the tone to be thrown back upon the penultima, and consequently the SÍere of the ultima to be shortened to SeghoÖl. Thus (a) before monosyllables, according to § 29 e, e. g. ~v' tr,v'ñl. to minister there, Dt 17:12, even in the case of a guttural which is virtually strengthened, Gn 39:14, Jb 8:18 (see § 29 g). (b) after waÒw consecutive, e. g. %r,b'ñy>w: and he blessed, Gn 1:22 and frequently, vr,g"òy>w: and he drove out, Ex 10:11, ~[,P'ñtTiw: Dn 2:1.

h

3. The following are a few rarer anomalies; in the imperfect Qal qx;c.y)i Gn 21:6 (elsewhere, qx;c.Ti, &c., in pause qx'c.yI, cf. § 10 g (c) and § 63 n); rx;aew" Gn 32:5 (for rx;a/a†,w"); in the perfect PiÇeÒl Wrx/a†, Ju 5:28 (perhaps primarily for Wrx]a†i; according to Gn 34:19 Wrx]a†e would be expected), and similarly ynIt.m;ñx/y(, y Ps 51:7 for ynIt.m;ñx]y)i; in the imperative PiÇeÒl br;q' Ez 37:17 (cf. above, § 52 n); finally, in the imperative HiphÇiÖl qx;r>h; Jb 13:21 and d[;m.h; y Ps 69:24, in both cases probably influenced by the closing consonant, and by the preference for PathahÌ in pause (according to § 29 q); without the pause qxer>h; Pr 4:24, &c.; but also tx;n>h; Jo 4:11.

i

4. As infinitive HithpaÇeÒl with a suffix we find ~f'x.y:t.hi Ezr 8:1, &c., with a firmly closed syllable, also the participle ~yfix.y:t.mi Neh 7:64; Baer, however, reads in all these cases, on good authority, ~f'h]y);t.hi &c.— The quite meaningless KethiÖbh raXanw Ez 9:8 (for which the QereÖ requires; the equally unintelligible ra;v]n)ew> evidently combines two different readings, viz. ra'v.nIw> (part. Niph.) and raeV'a,(w" (imperf. consec.); cf. König, Lehrgebäude, i. p. 266 f.;.— In Whreña\t†'y> Is 44:13 (also Whreña]t†'y> in the same verse) an imperfect PoÖÇeÒl appears to be intended by the Masora with an irregular shortening of the for ¾ra]t)oy>; cf. § 55 b ynIv.l'm. y Ps 101:5 QereÖ on the other hand QimhÌi, with whcm Delitzsch agrees, explains the form as PiÇeÒl, with an irregular ¤\ for ¤], as in the reading hj'Q\l;a] Ru 2:2, 7; cf. § 10 h.
5. A few examples in which a, as middle radical, entirely loses its consonantal value and quiesces in a vowel, will be found in § 73 g.

Footnotes:

1[1] HophÇal, which is not exhibited in the paradigm, follows the analogy of Qal; HiphÇil is regular.

2[2] Also Ju 19:5 (where QihÌi would read seÇaÒd), read seÇoçd, and on the use of the conjunctive accent (here Darga) as a subbstitute for Mutheg, cf. § 9 u (c) and § 16 b.

3[1] !x;Boñ is explained by Abulwalid as the 3rd pers. perfect PuÇal, but by QimhÌi as a noun.