§ 67. Verbs [¾¾[, e. g. bb;s' to surround.

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 155 ff.; Grundriss, p. 632 ff.

a

1. A large number of Semitic stems have verbal forms with only two radicals, as well as forms in which the stem has been made triliteral by a repetition of the second radical, hence called verbs [¾¾[. Forms with two radicals were formerly explained as being due to contraction from original forms with three radicals. It is more correct to regard them as representing the original stem (with two radicals), and the forms with the second radical repeated as subsequently developed from the monosyllabic stem.1 The appearance of a general contraction of triliteral stems is due to the fact that in biliteral forms the second radical regularly receives Dagesë forte before afformatives, except in the cases noted in § 22 b and q. This points, however, not to an actual doubling, but merely to a strengthening of the consonant, giving more body to the monosyllabic stem, and making it approximate more to the character of triliteral forms.

The development of biliteral to triliteral stems ([¾¾[) generally takes place in the 3rd sing. masc. and fem. and 3rd plur. perfect Qal of transitive verbs, or at any rate of verbs expressing an activity, e. g. bb;s'àhb'b.s†'àWbb.s†': !n:x' Gn 33:5 (but with suffix ynIN:òx;, ver. 11); sometimes with an evident distinction between transitive and intransitive forms, as rr;c' to make strait, rc; to be in a strait; see further details, including the exceptions, in aa. The development of the stem takes place (a) necessarily whenever the strengthening of the 2nd radical is required by the character of the form (e. g. lLexiàdD;vu), and (b) as a rule, whenever the 2nd radical is followed or preceded by an essentially long vowel, as, in Qal, bAbs'àbWbs', in PoÖÇeÒl and PoÖÇal, bbeAsàbb;As.

b

2. The biliteral stem always (except in HiphÇiÖl and the imperfect NiphÇal, see below) takes the vowel which would have been required between the second and third radical of the ordinnry strong form, or which stood in the ground-form, since that vowel is characteristic of the form (§ 43 b), e. g. ~T; answering to lj;q'àhM'T;ñ to the ground-form qaçtÌaçlaçt, WMT;ñ to the ground-form qaçtÌaçluÖ; infinitive, bso to ljoq..

c

3. The insertion of Dagesë forte (mentioned under a), for the purpose of strengthening the second radical, never takes place (see § 20 l) in the final consonant of the word, e. g. ~T;àbso, not ST;àBso; but it appears again on the addition of afformatives or suffixes, e. g. WMñT;àWBsoñàynIWBñs;, &c.

d

4. When the afformative begins with a consonant (nàt), and hence the strongly pronounced second radical would properly come at the end of a closed syllable, a separating vowel is inserted between the stem-syllable and the afformative. In the perfect this vowel is A, in the imperative and imperfect y¤,, e. g. t'ABñs;àWnABñs;, imperfect hn"yB,ñsuT. (for sabb–taÒ, sabb–nuÖ, tasoÒbb–naÒ). The artificial opening of the syllable by this means is merely intended to make the strengthening of the second radical audible.2

e

The perfect Wnm.T;ñ (for WnAMñT;) Nu 17:28, y Ps 64:7 (Jer 44:18Wnm.T†' with Silluq), owing to omission of the separating vowel, approximates, if the text is right, to the form of verbs W¾¾[ (cf. Wnm.q;ñ from ~Wq).

f

5. Since the preformatives of the imperfect Qal, of the perfect NiphÇal, and of HiphÇiÖl and HophÇal throughout, before a monosyllabic stem form an open syllable, they take a long vowel before the tone (according to § 27 e), e. g. imperfect HiphÇiÖl bsey" for yaç–soÒb, imperative bseh' for haç–seÒb, &c. Where the preformatives in the strong verb have iç, either the originalaç (from which the iç was attenuated) is retained and lengthened, e. g. bsoy" in imperfect Qal foryaç–soÒb, or theiç itself is lengthened to eÒ, e. g. bsehe perfect HiphÇiÖl for hiç–seÒb (see further under h). The vowel thus lengthened can be maintained, however, only before the tone (except the uÇ of the HophÇal, bs;Wh for huç-saçb); when the tone is thrown forward it becomes SèewaÖ, according to § 27 k (under a and h compound SèewaÖ, e. g. bsoT', but hn"yB,ñsuT.; imperfect HiphÇiÖl bseT', but hn"yB,ñsiT.; perfect ytiBoñsih], &c.

g

Besides the ordinary form of tho imperfects, there is another (common in Aramaic), in which the imperfect Qal is pronounced bSoyI or bS;yI, the first radical, not the second, being strengthened by Dagesè forte, cf. ~VoyI 1 K 9:8, dQoYIw: Gn 24:26; with a in the second syllable, rG+'yI Lv 11:7, lD;yI Is 17:4, xV;YIw: Is 2:9, &c., ~DoyI Am 5:13 and frequently, tKoa,w)" Dt 9:21, &c., bSoyI (turn intrans.) 1 S 5:8, &c., bQoYIw: Lv 24:11, ~ToyI Ez 47:12, &c., ~x;yI (with Dagesè forte implicitum) 1 K 1:1; in the plural, WMT;ñyI Nu 14:35, &c. (in pause WMT'ñyI y Ps 102:28); perhaps also lM;yIà%M;yI (unless these forms are rather to be referred to NiphÇal, like WMD+'yI 1 S 2:9; WlM†'yI Jb 24:24); with suffix WNb,ñQ\Ti occurs (cf. § 10 h) in Nu 23:25; Imperfect HiphÇiÖl ~Tey:, HophÇal tK;yU, &c. The vowel of the preformative (which before Dagesè is, of course, short) follows the analogy of the ordinary strong form (cf. also u and y). The same method is then extended to forms with afformatives or suffixes, so that even before these additions the second radical is not strengthened, e. g. WdñQ.YIw: Gn 43:28, &c., for WDqoñy"w: and they bowed the head; WTK.Y:w: and they beat down, Dt 1:44 (from tt;K'); WmT.YIw: Dt 34:8; WmD>yI Ex 15:16, Jb 29:21 (cf., however, WBSeñY:W: Ju 18:23, 1 S 5:8, WTK;ñyU Jer 46:5, Jb 4:20). To the same class of apparently strong formations belongs hn"l.C;ñTi (without the separating vowel, for hn"yL'ñciT., cf. 1 S 3:11 and below, p) they shall tingle, 2 K 21:12, Jer 19:3.— On the various forms of the NiphÇal, see under t.

h

6. The original vowel is retained, see f, (a) in the preformative of the imperfect Qal bsoy" for yaç–soÒb (cf. §§ 47 b, 63 b, and for verbs W¾¾[ § 72); (b) in the perfect NiphÇal bs;n" n&aá-saáb (§ 51 a); (c) in HophÇal bs;Wh, with irregular lengthening (no doubt on the analogy of verbs w¾¾p) for hoÐsaçb, from huç-sab, imperfect bs;Wy from yuç-sab, &c.

i

On the other hand, an already attenuated vowel (i) underlies the intransitive imperfects Qal with aç in the second syllable (probably for the sake of dissimilating the two vowels), e. g. rm;yE for yiç-maçr (see p); and in the preformative of HiphÇiÖl bsehe from hiç–seÒb (ground-form ljeq.h;, § 53 a), as well as of the participle bseme (ground-form ljeq.m;), on the analogy of the perfect. In the second syllable of the Perf. the underlying vowel is iç, attenuated from an original aç, which in the strong verb is abnormally lengthened to iç (§ 53 a). The eÒ lengthened from iç is, of course, only tone-long, and hence when without the tone and before Dagesè forte we have e. g. t'ABñsih]. On the retention of the original aç in the second syllable, cf. v.

k

7. The tone, as a general rule, tends to keep to the stem-syllable, and does not (as in the strong verb) pass to the afformatives h¤'ÃW and y¤i (2nd sing. fem. imperfect) e. g. 3rd sing. fem. perfect hT'x;ñ in pause hT'x'ñ; with r and gutturals hr'm'ñ (for hR'm;ñ), hx'v'ñ y Ps 44:26; on the other hand, with waÒw consecutive hB'ñr;w> Is 6:12 (but hy"x†'w" Ex 1:16). In the 3rd plur. perfect the tone-syllable varies; along with WLD;ñàWLq;ñ, we also find WLñD; and WLñq;ñàWBñr; Is 59:12, Wxñv; Hb 3:6, &c.; but in pause always WTx'ñàWMT'ñ, &c. The tone likewise remains on the stem-syllable in the imperfect Qal in yBisoñT'àWBsoñy"; perfect HiphÇiÖl hB'señheàWBseñhe; imperfect yBiseñT'àWBsey"ò, &c. In the forms with separating vowels, the tone is moved forward to these vowels (or to the final syllable, cf. ee), e. g. t'ABñs;àhn"yB,ñsuT., &c.; except before the endings ~t, and !t, in the perfect, which always bear the tone. This shifting of the tone naturally causes the shortening of the merely tone-long vowels eÒ and oÒ to iç and uç (or oç, see n), hence t'ABñsih;] from bsehe, hn"yB,ñsuT.from bsoy"; on cases in which the vowel of the preformative becomes SèewaÖ, see above, f.

l

8. In several verbs [¾¾[, instead of PiÇeÒl, PuÇal and HithpaÇeÒl, the less frequent conjugation PoÖÇeÒl, with its passive and reflexive, occur (most probably on the analogy of the corresponding forms of verbs W¾¾[, cf. § 72 m), generally with the same meaning,3 e. g. lleA[ to ill-treat, passive ll;A[, reflexive lleA[t.hi (from ll;['; cf. the HithpoÖÇeÒl from [[;r' and rr;P; Is 24:19 f); in a few verbs also PilpeÇl (§ 55 f) is found, e. g. lGEl.GI to roll, HithpalpeÒl lGEl.G:t.hi to roll oneself (from ll;G"); imperative with suffix h'l,s.l.s; exalt her, Pr 4:8; [v;[]v†i to comfort, to delight in; passive [v;[\v†' to be caressed (from [[;v'). These forms cannot appear in a biliteral form any more than PiÇeÒl, PuÇal, and HithpaÇeÒl; cf. ~y[iw>[i (Is 19:14) and wq'w>q; (Is 18:2, 7). — For rb'T'Ti 2 S 22:27 read, according to y Ps 18:27, rr'B't.Ti.

REMARKS.

I. on Qal.

m

1. In the perfect, isolated examples are found with oÒ in the first syllablc, which it is customary to refer to triliteral stems with middle oÒ (like lkor', § 43 a); viz. WMroñ they are exalted, Jb 24:24 to ~mor' È WBroñ they shot, Gn 49:23 to bbor' È WrzI Is 1:6 to rroz". But this explanation is very doubtful: WrzOñ especially is rather to be classed among the passives or Qal mentioned in § 52 e.

n

2. Imperfects Qal with oÒ in the second syllable keep the original a in the preformative, but lengthen it to aÒ as being in an open syllable, hence !xoy"àdmoy"àz[oy"à!roy"à[;roy", (trans. he breaks in pieces, but [r;yE intrans.= he is evil); imperfects with aç have, in the preformative, an eÒ, lengthened from iç. See the examples below, under p, § 63 c and e, § 72 h, and specially Barth in ZDMG, 1894, p. 5 f.
The HÍoÒleçm of the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect (Bsoàbsoy") is only tone-long, and therefore, as a rule, is written defectively (with a few exceptions, chiefly in the later orthography, e. g. rAc bind up, Is 8:16; lAG y Ps 37:5; ~AD. ver. 7; zAb)l' for zbol' to plunder, Est 3:13, 8:11). When this oÒ loses the tone, it becomes in the final syllable oç, in a sharpened syllable uç, or not infrequently even oç (see above, k). Examples of oç are: (a) in a toneless final syllable, i.e. before Maqqeph or in the imperfect consecutive, -!r' (roçn) to rejoice, Jb 38:7; bs'Y"òw: Ju 11:18 (once even with uç in a toneless final syllable, ~ruY"òW: Ex 16:20); on the other hand, in the plur. WBSoY"òw:, fem. hn"yB,ñsuT.w:; (b) before a tone-bearing afformative or suffix, e. g. imperative 2nd sing. fem. yNIòr'àyZIñG" (cf. ff); ynINEòx' pity me; h'WLñS' Jer 50:26; ~Dev'y> Pr 11:3 QereÃ; WhN)ux'T. Ex 12:14 (for the defective writing, cf. WhKuñsuY> Jb 40:22). In ^ñN>x.y" Gn 43:29, Is 30:19 (for ^n>x'y") this oç is thrown back to the preformative.

o

On the 2nd plur- fem. impcrat. hr'[oñ make yourselves naked Is 32:11, cf. the analogous forms in § 48 i. — Quite abnormal is the infinitire absolute h['roñ Is 24:19 (as h follows, probably only a case of dittography for [;ro, cf. bqo Nu 23:25 and lvo Ru 2:16); so also are the imperatires yLi-hb'q†'Nu 22:11, 17, and yLi-hr'a†' 22:6, 23:7, . with h paragogic. We should expect hB'quñàhr'aoñ. If theso forms are to be read qoçballi¨ ’oÇralli, they would be analogous to such cases as hr'B;ñd>mi (§ 90 i), the addition of the paragogic h¤ causing no change in tho form of the word (-bq' like -!r' above). If, however, as Jewish tradition requires, they are to be read qaÒballi, ’aÒralli, then in boili cases the QamesÌ must be explained, with Stade, as the equivalent of oÒ (yLi-hb'qo), &c.; cf. § 9 v). Still more surprising is Anb.q' curse him, Nu 23:13, for WNB,ñqu or  äBq'4

p

3. Examples with PathahÌ in the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect are rB; (in ~r'b'l. to prove them, Ec 3:18); dr; Is 45:1; %v; Jer 5:26; ~G"v;B. in their error, Gn 6:3 (so ed. Mant., but there is also good authority for ~G:v;B., from ·v;=·v,=rv,a] and ~G: also; so Baer and Ginsburg). Also lG: take away, y Ps 119:22; and the imperfects ~x;yE it is hot, Dt 19:6, &c. (on the eÒ of the preformative cf. n); rm;yE it is bitter, Is 24:9; dc;yE it is straitened; %r;yEit is soft, Is 7:4; ~v;Te it is desolate, Ez 12:19 (in pause ~v†'Te Gn 47:19); lq;ñTew: she was despised, Gn 16:4 (but elsewhere in the impf. consec. with the tone on the penultima, e. g. rc,yEòw: Gn 32:8, &c.; [r;yEòw: Gn 21:11, &c., cf. Ez 19:7); in the 1st sing. imperfect ~t+'yae5 y Ps 19:14, abnormally written fully for ~t'ae, unless ~T'a, is to be read, as in some MSS., on the analogy of the 3rd sing. ~ToyI — In the impf. Qal of llv the reading of Hb 2:8 varies between ^WLñv;y> (Baer, Ginsb.) and ^WLñv'y> (ed. Mant., Jabl.).— The following forms are to be explained with Barth (ZDMG. xliii. p. 178) as imperfects Qal with original iç in the second syllable, there being no instances of their HiphÇiÖl in the same sense: lg<Y"òw: Gn 29:10; !gEy" Is 31:5, &c.; %s,y"w: Ex 40:21, y Ps 91:4, &c.; perhaps also hn"yL,ñciT. 1 S 3:11 and lhey" Jb 31:26, &c.; in accordance with this last form, ALhi¿B.À Jb 29:3 would also be an infinitive Qal, not HiphÇiÖl (for ALhih]B†;), as formerly explained below, under w. Finally the very peculiar form #rIT'ñw: Ju 9:53 may probably be added to the list.

q

Imperfects, with an original u in the second syllable, are also found with this uç lengthened to uÖ (instead of oÒ), e. g. !Wr'y", if the text is correct, in Pr 29:6; dWvy" y Ps 91:6 (unless it be simply an imperfect from dWv to be powerful, to prevail); #Wry" (if from #cr) Is 42:4, &c. (also defectively #rua' y Ps 18:30; but in Ec 12:6, according to Baer, #Wrt'w>); ~TuTi Ez 24:11 (on the sharpening of the t cf. g above).6

r

A similar analogy with verbs W¾¾[ is seen in the infinitives rWbl' (for rBo) Ec 9:1; AqxuB. Pr 8:27 (cf. AqWxB. Pr 8:29) for AQixuB., and in the imperfect ^v.m†ua] Gn 27:21. (The forms tANx; in y Ps 77:10, tAMv; Ez 36:3, ytiALñx; y Ps 77:11, formerly treated here as infinitives from [¾¾[ stems, are rather to be referred to h¾¾l stems, with Barth, Wurzeluntersuchungen, Lpz. 1902, p. 21.) On other similar cases, see below, under ee. For examples of the aramaÏzing imperfect, see above, g.

s

4. In the participle, the aramaÏzing form %yIs;ña]vo) for %yIs;ñs.vo) occurs in KethiÖbh, Jer 30:16 (the QereÖ indicates a participle from hs'v'); h[;ro Pr 25:19 appears to be a contraction from h['[]ro), part. fem. = breaking in pieces.

II. On NiphÇal.

t

5. Besides the ordinary form of the perfect bs;n" with PathahÌ (in pause bs'n") and the participle bs'n" with QamesÌ in the second syllable, there is also another with SÍere, and a third with HÍolem, e. g. perfect smen" it melts, Ez 21:12, y Ps 22:15; hB'señn" (for hB's;n" Ez 26:2; part. smen" molten, 1 S 15:9, Na 2:11; lqen" it is a light thing, 2 K 20:10, Is 49:6 (perf. lq;n"); with oÒ, e. g. WLgOñn" they are rolled together, Is 34:4; cf. 63:19, 64:2, Am 3:11, Na 1:12, Ec 12:6 b. In the imperfect with oÒ in the second syllable, on the analogy of verbs W¾¾[ (from which König would also explain the perfects with oÒ), we find yMiDoñTi thou shalt be brought to silence, Jer 48:2 (unless this form should be referred to Qal with QimhÌi, Olshausen, König); [;AryE he suffers hurt, Pr 11:15, 13:20; #ArTe (for tirroÒsÌ) Ez 29:7; with eÒ in the second syllable lxeTe she profanes herself, Lv 21:9, but lx;aew)' Ez 22:26, and lx+'yE Is 48:11, tx;yE Is 7:8, &c. For infinitives, cf. sMehi to melt, y Ps 68:3 (as inf. constr.; 2 S 17:10 as inf. absol.); again, with compensatory lengthening in the first syllable, lxehe Ez 20:9, 14, 22, but with suffix ALx;h†e Lv 21:4; also zABhi to be plundered, and qABhi to be emptied, Is 24:3; in the imperative, only WrB'ñhi be ye clean, Is 52:11. On WMroñhe get you up, Nu 17:10, and the corresponding imperf. WMroñyE Ez 10:17, &c., cf. 72 dd.

u

Examples of the perfect NiphÇal with sharpening of the initial syllable are, lx;nI it is profaned, Ez 22:16, 25:3 (from ll;x'); rx;nI (from rr;x') y Ps 69:4, 102:4 (also rx;n" Jer 6:29); tx;nI fractus est (from tt;x') Mal 2:5; cf. with this in the participle, ~ymix'n)e (for nihÌhÌaÒmiÖm) Is 57:5, and ~yrIa'n)e Mal 3:9: in the imperative and infinitive NiphÇal such a virtual strengthening of the guttural after preformatives never occurs. — The occurrence of u instead of oÖ as a separating vowel in the perfect WnDuñv;n> Mic 2:4 is abnormal.

III. On HiphÇiÖl and HophÇal.

v

6. The second syllable in HiphÇiÖl sometimes has PathahÌ instead of SÍere, especially under the influence of r and the gutturals, e. g. perfect rm;he he made bitter, xv;he he bowed, rp;he he hath broken, Gn 17:14, in pause, cf. § 29 q; otherwise rpehe, plur. Wrpeñhe Is 24:5. In rypihe y Ps 33:10, Ez 17:19, cf. y Ps 89:34, and in WryFiñhe Ho 8:4 (perhaps also in !t;yxiy> Hab 2:17, but cf. § 20 n) there is an assimilation to the corresponding forms of verbs W¾¾[, see z. Also rc;he Dt 28:52, zt;he (in pause) Is 18:5; inf. rb†;h'l. to cleanse, Jer 4:11, in pause. But also with other consonants, e. g. qd;he 2 K 23:15, lq;he Is 8:23; %r;he Jb 23:16; plur. WBs;ñhe 1 S 5:9, 10 (and so usually in the 3rd plur. perf, except before r and gutturals, e. g. W[reñhe); imper. [v+;h' besmear, Is 6:10; plur. WMv+;h' be astonished, Jb 21:5; imperfect [r;ñT' Thou dost afflict; part. lc;me (on eÒ in the first syllable, see under i) shadowing, Ez 31:3 (but %ysime Ju 3:24 is assimilated to the form of verbs W¾¾[, unless, with Moore, we simply read %seme, or, with incorrect spelling, %yseme. So in the imperative ynIveñymih] Ju 16:26 QereÖ, and in the infinitive ^m.t†ih] Is 33:1).

w

The eÒ of the second syllable, when without the tone, may become eá, e. g. yBi lt,heñ Gn 31:7 (see also x), It is unusual (cf. § 53 k) to find the eÒ written fully as in the infinitive rypeh'l. Zc 11:10. Instead of HÍatÌeph–PathahÌ a HÍatÌeph SeghoÖl is found under the preformative in ynIt;ñL{qih/ 2 S 19:44, and a PathahÌ occurs before x (with a virtual sharpening of the x) in such forms as t'Toñxih†; Is 9:3; cf. Gn 11:6, Dt 2:31, 3:24, 1 S 22:15, Est 6:13 — in all these cases before xi.— On ALhiB. Jb 29:3, see above, p: on yTiñT;x.h;w> Jer 49:37, see below, dd.

x

7. In the imperfect consecutive of verbs whose second radical is a guttural, aç is retained (§ 22 d) in the second syllable instead of eç, e. g. [r;Y"òw: 1 K 16:25: so also with r, as rc;Y"òw: 2 Ch 28:20, Dt 2:9 — but cf. also rp,Y"òw: Neh 4:9.

y

8. Aramaïzing forms (but cf. Rem. to § 67 g) in HiphÇiÃl and HophÇal are, bSeY:w: Ex 13:18, &.; cf. Ju 18:23; rMeT;-la; Ex 23:21, but read rm,T,ñ-la; from hr'm': WtK.Y:w: Dt 1:44 (cf. Nu 14:45), but WBSeñY:w: Ju 18:23, 1 S 5:8, 2 Ch 29:6; lxea; profanabo, Ez 39:7; sTeT; Jb 22:3; without elision of the h (cf. § 53 q), lTeh;w>w: 1 K 18:27, but Jer 9:4 Wlteñh'y>, Jb 13:9 WLteñh'T.; with iÖ the second syllable ~yViy: Jer 49:20, 50:45; cf. ~yViN:w: Nu 21:30; in the perfect h'WlyòZhi La 1:8. In HophÇal, WkM.hu they are brought low, Jb 24:21; tK;yU he is smitten, Is 24:12 (plur. WTK;ñyU Jer 46:5, Mi 1:7); in pause, Wqx†'yU Jb 19:23, but also WTK+;yU Jb 4:20 (so Baer, Ginsb., but ed. Mant., Jabl. WT+K'yU); with oç in the initial syllable, hƒM'V;h' (infinitive with suffix = HM'V;h', cf. § 91 e) Lv 26:34 f., cf. 2 Ch 36:21; hM'v;h.B', with irregular syncope for  äV;h'B., Lv 26:43.

IV. In General.

z

9. Verbs [¾¾[ are most closely related as regards inflexion to verbs W¾¾[ (§ 72). The form of verbs [¾¾[ is generally the shorter (cf. e. g. bsoy" and ~Wqy" Ã bsehe and ~yqihe); in a few cases, however, the two classes exactly coincide, e. g. in the imperfect Qal and HiphÇil with waÒw consecutive, in HophÇal and in the less common conjugations (see above, l).

aa

10. The developed forms (with three radicals), as mentioned in a, are especially frequent in the 3rd sing. masc. and fem., and the 3rd plur. perf. Qal (i.e. in forms without an afformative or with an afformative beginning with a vowel) of transitive verbs, or verbs, at any rate, expressing action, e. g. bb;s' Ã Wbb.s†' (but before a suffix also ynIWBñs;, as well as ynIWbñb's. Ã ynIWDñv;, &c.) ~m;z" Ã hm'm]z†' Ã Wpp]a', &c. Sometimes the contracted, as well as the uncontracted form, is found, e. g. zz:B' to plunder, plur Wzz>]B†'; in other parts, only Wnz>z:ñB' Dt 2:35, as well as WnAWòB; Dt 3:7; yTim.m;ñz" Zc 8:14, 15 and ytiMoñz: Jer 4:28. Other examples of biliteral forms in 2nd sing. masc. are Dt 25:12, Pr 30:32; in 1st sing., Jos 5:9. Apart from Qal the only example of a developed form is yTiñT;x.h;w> Jer 49:37.

bb

On the other hand, the biliteral forms are the more common in the 3rd sing. and plur. of perfects which are intransitive, and express a state; cf. qD; Dt 9:21 (Ex 32:20 qD+'; elsewhere always a transitive verb); tx;, fem. hT'x;ñ È rm;;fem hr'm'ñ, (for marraÒ); rc;, fem. hr'c'ò (cf. hr'x'ñw> Ez 24:11); %r; Ã xv;, fem. hx'v;ñ Ã ~T;, &c.; plur. WTx;ñ Ã WMT;ñ, &c. (but on the tone, cf. ee below). Exception, hv'v.[†' y Ps 6:8

cc

The intransitive but developed perfects Wll]D†' (also WLD;ñ), ll;x' Ã hd'd>n)' Ã Wdd>n)' (in pause Wdd'ñn"), rr;s' Ã hv'v][† (plur. in pause Wvv†e[' y Ps 31:11), Wll]c)' Ã Wxx]v†' (also Wxv;ñ), almost all have, as Mayer Lambert observes, at least an active, not a stative meaning. Triliteral forms of the infinitive after l. are bBos.li Nu 21:4; dAdv.li Jer 47:4; zzOg>li Gn 31:19 (also zgOl' Gn 38:13); cf. also ~m'x.l; Is 47:14, in subordinate pause, for ~m;x]l†;; with suffix sk,n>n:x]l†; Is 30:18, and, from the same form !n:x], with retraction and modification of the vowel, Hn"n>x,l. y Ps 102:14; also x;Axf. Is 60:14, zzOg>Bi 1 S 25:2, ssom.Ki Is 10:18, zAz[]B†; Pr 8:28, rArc.Ki Pr 26:8.— Imperatire Wdd>v'. Jer 49:28 (cf. § 20 b, and ibid. also on ynInEñn>x†; y Ps 9:14); in the imperfect, dADyI Na 3:7 (y Ps 68:13; cf. Gn 31:40) from ddn; the strong form here, after the assimilation of the NuÖn, was unavoidable. On the other hand, ~ded>v'y> Jer 5:6 is anomalous for ~Dev'y> (Pr 11:3 QereÖ; the eastern school read the PoÇeÒl ~ddwvy in the kethiÖbh); the strengthening of the second radical has been afterwards resolved by the insertion of a vocal SèeuaÖ. Cf. also !n:x/y), Am 5:15 (else where !xoy"). In NiphÇal, the triliteral form bbeL'yI is found, Jb 11:12; in HiphÇil, all the forms of !nr, thus imperative WnynIòr'h;, imperfect !ynIr>T;; infinitive ~mev.h; Mi 6:13; participle ~ymiv.m; Ez 3:15. That the developed (triliteral) forms possess a certain emphasis is seen from their frequent use in pause, as in y Ps 118:11 after a bilitlorlil form (ynIWbñb's.-~g: ynIWBñs;).

dd

11. The above-mentioned (see g) neglect of the strengthening in aramaiïzing forms, such as WmD>yI and the like, occurs elsewhere tolerably often; in the perfect Qal Wnm.T;ñ for WnAMñT; Nu 17:26 (Jer 44:18; cf. above, e); imperfect hz"boñn" 1 S 14:36 (h¤' parag. without any influence on the form, cf. o); even with the firm vowel reduced to vocal SèewaÖ; hl'ñb.n)' Gn 11:7 for hL'boñn" (cohortative from ll;B'); Wmñz>y)' for WMzOñy" ibid. ver. 6, they purpose; following the analogy of verbs W¾¾[Ã^v.m†ua] (see above, r); from intransitiv imperfects Qal, yrIc.T†e Is 49:19 (plur.masc. Jb 18:7); W[r>y)e Neh 2:3; also hn"m.v+'yTi Ez 6:6 (for which read  ävyTe= ävTe) might be explained in the same way. — Perfect NiphÇal hb'ñs.n)' for hB's;ñn" Ez 4:17; Wlz>n)' Ju 5:5for WLzOñn"; ~T,l.m;n> for ~t,L{m;n> Gn 17:11(as if from ll;m' not lWm to circumcise), cf. Is 19:3, Jer 8:14; imperfect hn"q.M;ñTi Zc 14:12; participle ~ymix'n)e, cf. u. S0 also #p;n" 1 S 13:11, hc'p.n)' Gn 9:19 (cf. Is 33:3), are perfects NiphÇal from #cp (= #WP), not Qal from #p;n". — In HiphÇiÖl T'l.t;ñhe (for t'L{ñtih]) Ju 16:10 (2 S 15:34); hz"[eñhe for hW"[eñhe Pr 7:13 (cf. Ct 6:11, 7:13).
No less irregular is the suppression of the vowel of the stem-syllable in ~k,r>p.h;l. Lv 26:15. — On the perfect Wyl.D; Pr 26:7, cf. § 75 u.

ee

12. Cases in which the tone is thrown forward on the afformatives (see k) are (a) in the perfect, the 1st sing. regularly (but cf. ytiroñceh]w); Jer 10:18 before ~h,l') after w consec., Ex 33:19, 12, 2 K 19:34, &c., also Is 44:16(ytiAMx; before r); y Ps 92:11 (but the text is certainly corrupt; see the Lexicon), 116:6, perhaps also Jb 19:17, ytioNOx;w> (though in this passage, and in y Ps 17:3, the form might be an infinitive in oÖth; see Delitzsch on Jb 19:17); in the 2nd sing. ht'ñCoq;w> (before a) Dt 25:12; in the 3rd plural, WBñr; multi sunt, y Ps 3:2, 104:24, Jer 5:6, 1 S 25:10; WBñr; they are soft, y Ps 55:22 WLñq; they are swift, Jer 4:13, Hb 1:8; WBñz: they are pure, Jb 15:15, 25:5, La 4:7; Wxñv; they did bow, Hb 3:6; Wrñx; they are burned, Is 24:6. A by form of Wtv' (W¾¾[, cf. &§ 72 dd) is WTñv; y Ps 49:15, 73:9.

ff

(b) In the imperative (a command in an emphatic tone) yNIòr' sing, Is 54:1, Zp 3:14, Zc 2:14; WNòr' Is 44:23, 49:13, Jer 31:7 (but yNIroñ lament, La 2:19), yGIòx' keep (thy feasts), Na 2:1, Jer 7:29; hZ"ñW[ (=hW"[u) before a, y Ps 68:29. On the retention of the short vowels uç (oç) and iç before Dagesë forte, in place of the tone-long oÒ and eÒ, see above, k; on the change of the vowel of the preformative into SèeuaÔ, when it no longer stands before the tone, see g.

Footnotes:

1[1] So (partly following Ewald and Böttcher) A. Müller, ZDMG. xxxiii. p. 698 ff.; Stade, Lehrbuch, § 385 b, c; Nöldeke, and more recently Wellhausen, 'Ueber einige Arten schwacher Verba im Hebr.' (Skizzen u. Vorarb. vi. 250 ff.). Against Böttcher see M. Lambert, REJ. xxxv. 330 ff., and Brockelmann, as above.

2[1] Of all the explanations of these separating vowels the most satisfactory is that of Rödiger, who, both for the perfect and imperfect (Ewald and Stade, for the imperfect at least), points to the analogy of verbs h¾¾l. We must, however, regard t'ABñs; as formed on the analogy not of t'yliñG", but (with P. Haupt) of a form t'AlñG" (=gaÒlautaÒ, cf. Arab. gÔazauta), while hn"yB,suT. follows the analogy of hn"yl,g>Ti. [See also Wright, Comp. Gr., 229 f.]

3[1] Sometimes both PiÇeÒl and PoÖÇeÒl are formed from the same stem, though with a difference of meaning, e. g. #CerI to break in pieces, #cero to oppress; !NEti to make pleasing, !nEAx to have pity; bBesito turn, to change, bbeAsto go round, to encompass.

4[1] For An as suffix of the 3rd person a parallel might be found in Anv.y<, § 100 o, and probably also in the NuÖn of the Phoenician suffix ~n: cf. Barth, ZDMG. xli. p. 643, and the nota on § 100 o.

5[2] Also in Ez 6:6, instead of hn"m.v+'yTi, which could only come from ~vy,  ävyTe is intended, and Wmv.a.y< in the same verse is probably only an error for WMv;ñyE.

6[3] According to Stade, Grammatik, § 95, Rem., the pronunciation with uÖ since it also appears in Neo-Punic [and in Western Syriac, see Nöldeke, Syr. Gramm., § 48], was that of everyday life.