§ 69. Verb y¾¾p. First class, or Verbs originally y¾¾p, e. g. bv;y"to dwell.

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 141 f.; Grundriss, p. 596 ff.

1. In the imperfect, imperative and infinitive construct Qal there is a twofold inflexion, according as the WaÒw is wholly rejected or only changed into YoÖdh. 'I'he complete rejection (or elision) takes place regularly in eight verbs (see h) in the following manner:

A. Imperfect bveyEà[d;yE with an unchangeable¹ SÍere in the first sylluble and original iç in the second, which in the tone-sylluble (according to § 27 c) becomes eÒ (thus dleyE, aceyE, dreyE;%leyE, see x), or, under the influence of a guttural, with aç in the second ([d;yEà[q;yE Ã dx;yE).

The tone-long eÒ of the second syllable is of course liable to be shortened or to become Sè^ewaÖ, e. g. bv,YEòw: Ã Wbv.y)e &c.; in the same way aç becomesSè^ewaÖ, in such cases as W[d>y)e, &c., but is lengthened to QamesÌ, in pause (W[d'ñyE) and before suffixes (~[ed'y)e).

B. Imperative bve with aphaeresis of the WaÒw and with tone-long eÒ, from iç, as in the imperfect.

C. Infinitive tb,v,ñ from original Sèibh, by addition of the feminine ending (t) lengthened to a segholate form; as in verbs !¾¾p (cf. 66 b) this lengthening affords a certain compensation for loss of the initial consonant.

c

Rem. Since the infinitives h['De Ã hd'le (see below, m) point to a ground- form diÇat, lidat, we must, with Philippi (ZDMG. xxxii. 42) and Barth (ibid. xli. 606), assign to tb,v,ñ, &c., the ground-form sëibt (which, therefore, reappears in yTib.vi, &c.); the apparent ground-form sëabt rests upon the law that the iç of the stem-syllable is changed into a whenever the syllable becomes doubly closed by the addition of the vowelless feminine ending.

in the imperatives qcoy> Ã vr;y>, and infinitives dsoy> Ã aory>, as a strong consonant, but

in the imperfect vr;yyI, properly yiyraçsë, merges with the preceding iç into iÖ.

In the second syllable imperfects of this form regularly have aç.

e

(a) That the latter forms are derived from verbs with an original WaÒw (not YoÖdh) is shown partly by tho inflexion of these verbs in NiphÇal, HiphÇil, and HophÇal (where the original WaÒw reappears throughout), and partly by the Arabic, in which verbs w¾¾p likewise exhibit a twofold formation; cf. waçlaçdaç, imperf. yaçliçdu, with elision of the WaÒw, and waçgÃiçlaç, yaugÃalu, with retention of the WaÒw.

f

(b) Sometimes both forms, the weaker and the stronger, occur in the same verb; cf. qc;2 K 4:41 and qcoy> pour, Ez 24:3 (cf. Wqc.y†i 1 K 18:34 and the infin. tq,c,ò Ex 38:27); vre take possession, Dt 1:21, 1 K 21:15 (but cf. s), vr' (in pause for vr;) Dt 2:24, 31; plur. Wvr> Dt 1:8, 9:23, but also, with h¤' paragogic, hv'r'ñy> Dt 33:23. In the imperfect dq;yyI Dt 32:22 and dq;yE Is 10:16 it shall be kindled; rq;yYIw: it was precious, 1 S 18:30 and. rq;yE y Ps 49:9 (cf. rq;yyE y Ps 72:14). — The form Wmx,Y½w); Gn 30:39, for Wmx]Y)ew:, beside hn"m.x;ñYEw: verse 38, is remarkable; cf. § 47 k.

g

(c) On dr; Ju 19:11 for dr;y" and bAv Jer 42:10 for the infinitive absolute bAvy", cf. § 19 i.— But dr;y> Ju 5:13 (twice) is not intended by the Masora either as perfect (for dr;y", which really should be restored) or as imperative of dr;y", but as an apocopated imperfect PiÇeÒl from hd'r' (= hD,r;y>) to have dominion.

h

(d) The eight verbs,² of which the initial consonant in the above-mentioned forms always Buffers elision or aphaeresis, are dl;y" to bring forth, ac'y" to go forth, bv;y" to sit, to dÒwell, dr;y" to dÒescend, also %l;h' to go. (cf. below, x); and with aç in the second syllable of the imperfect, [d;y" to know, dx;y" to be united, [q;y" to be dislocated. Examples of the other formation (vr;yyI, &c.) are @[ey" to be wearied, #q;y" to counsel, !vey" to sleep, arey" (imperfect ar'yyE, imperative ar'y>) to fear.

l

The beginner may recognize verbs w¾¾p in the imperfect Qal partly by the SÍere under the preformatives; in Niph‰al and HiphÇiÖl by theWaÒw (wàA) before the second radical. (The defective writing, as in dyliho is rare.) Verbs w¾¾p have forms like bve ([D;), tb,v,ñ, in common with verbs !¾¾p. Similarly HtphÇal has the same form as in verbs [¾¾[ and W¾¾[.

m

Rem. 1. The infinitive Qal of the weaker form (tbi.v,ñ, ground-form sëibt, tv,rñ,; cf. above, c) with suffixes is pointed as yTib.vi,³ ATv.rI (the strong form only in Wnveñr>y"l. Ju 14:15). The masculine form is very rare, e. g. [;De to know, Jb 32:6, 10, as also the feminine ending h¤', e. g. h['ñDe⁴ Ex 2:4, hd'ñ'le Is 37:3 (2 K 19:3); Jer 13:21, Ho 9:11; hd'r>m†e⁵ to descend, Gn 46:3, where the change of the eÒ into vocal SèewaÖ is to be explained, with König, from its position between the plincipal and secondary tone. From [d;y", under the influence of the guttural, t[;D;ñ is formed, with suff. yTi[.D;, &c.; but from acyàtace, From dr;y"there occurs in y Ps 30:4 in Q^ereÖ ydIr>Y"mi (the K^eth. requires yder>AY)mi) a very remarkable case of the strong form (for yTid>rIm†e). For tl; 1 S 4:19(generally explained as a case of assimilation of d to t in the supposed ground-form ladt; according to Mayer Lambert pausal oftle = lidt, see above, c) read simply td,l,ñ.

n

Examples of the strong form of the infinitive are aory> to fear, Jos 22:25, with preposition dsoyli Is 51:16 (but 2 Ch 31:7 according to Ben Naphtali dSoyli, where the y is only retained orthographically, but is really assimilated to the s; the reading of Ben Asher, dASyIl., accepted by Baer, is meaningless); !Avyli Ec 5:11; aorle 1 S 18:29 is irregular, but probably aorli (for aoryli) is intended. With suff. yàdIs.y"B.Jb 38:4, cf. Ju 14:15, Ezr 3:12; with t fem. tl,koy>ò to be able, Nu 14:16. On tv,bñy>, which is like wise usually referred to this class, cf. the note on § 70 a

o

2. The imperative Qal frequently has the lengthening by h¤', e. g. hb'v. sit thou, hd'r>descend thou. From bh;y"to give, Arab. Waçhaçbaç, only the imperativeis used in Hebrew; it has the formbh;, give, lengthened hb'h'ñgenerally with the meaning age, go to, hence in Gn 11:3, 4 even addressed to several persons (Gn 29:21 hb'ñh' before a to avoid the hiatus); fem. ybih' Ru 3:15, Milra‘ on the analogy of the plural Wbñh' (once in Jb 6:22 Wbh'ñ before the tone-syllable; but cf. Dt 32:3), whilst, on the analogy of other imperatives Qal of verbs w¾¾pàYbih]àWbh] would be expected.— On h[,D> Pr 24:14, cf. § 48 l.

p

3. The imperfect with w elided takes aç in the second syllable, besides the cases mentioned above (under f), also in dr;Te Jer 13:17 (cf. La 3:48) and in the pausal form %l;yEJb 27:21, &c. (from%l;h', see x); on dq;yE Is 10:16 see above, f. The aç in the second syllable, when followed by the afformative hn" (hn"d>r;ñTi &c.), is in accordance with the law mentioned above (under c), by which aç takes the place of iç in a doubly closed syllable. Forms with eÒ in the second syllable shorten the eÒ to S^eghoÖl, when the tone is drawn back (before a tone-syllable or after WaÒw consecutive), e. g. an"-bv,y)eGn 44:33; dr,YEòw:àbv,YEòw:; but eÒ is retained in an open syllable, even with MilÇel-tone, in aceyEò Ex 16:29, Ju 9:39, in both cases with nasog 'ahÌor, § 29 e. The pausal is either of the form bveYEw: Ru 4:1ordr+;YEw: y Ps 18:10; the 1st pers. sing., whether in or out of pause, is dreaew)'àdleaew)', &c, except %l+;aew)' Jb 19:10, see x. — For [d†'yEy>y Ps 138:6 (cf. the note above, on b and the snalogous cases in § 70 d) [d†'yyE is intended.

q

The imperfect of the form vr;yyI is frequently (especially before afformatives written defectively, in, which case the iÖcan ahways be recognized as a long vowel by the Metheg (see § 16 f), e. g. Wp[]y)i. Is 40:30, W[g>y)i. Is 65:23; and so always War>y)i they fear, as distinguished from War>yI they see (imperf. Qal of ha'r').— On ~f,yYIòw: Gn 50:26, 24:33 K^eth, and %s'yyI Ex 30:32, see § 73 f.

r

From lkoy" to prevail, to be able, the imperfect Qal is lk;Wy which can only have arisen through a depression of the vowel from lk;Ay (ground-form yaukhal= yawkhal), to distinguish it, according to QimhÌi, from lk;Aa, just as, according to § 47 b, ljoq.a, is differentiated from ljoq.yI. Cf. the Arabic yauru‘u (yoÖuru‘u) from waru‘a, yaugÃalu (yoÖgÃalu) from wagÃila, as also the vulgar Arabic (among towns-people) yuÖsÌal, &c., from wasÌala. Others regard lk;Wy as an imperfect HophÇal (he is enabled = he can), always used instead of the imperfect Qal; cf., however, § 53 u. — lk†'WTw: occurs in Jer 3:5 as 2nd sing. fem. for ylik†WTw:, according to König because the 2nd fem. had been sufficiently indicated previously. — Further hr,Ay or hr,yO is to be regarded with M. Lambert (REJ. xxxvii, no. 73) as impf. Qal (not Hiph‘il) of hr'y" to throw, shoot (the supposed impf. Qal ~r'YNIw: Nu 21:30 is critically very doubtful). This is shown especially by the passages in which the impf. hr,Ay is immediately preceded by the imperat. Qal (2 K 13:17) or infin. Qal (y Ps 64:5), or is followed by the participle Qal (2 Ch 35:23; but in 2 S 11:24 by the participle HiphÇil).

s

4. The attenuation of aç to iç in the perfect (in a toneless, closed syllable) which is discussed in § 44 d (cf. § 64 f) occura in verbs w¾¾p in a few forms of dl;y" Nu 11:12, Jer 2:27, y Ps 2:7, &c. (alwvays after y>), as well as of vr;y" e. g. ~T,v.rIyw)i, &c., Dt 4:1, 8:1, 17:14, 19:1, 26:1, 31:3 (always after ywI for y>w>). In both cases the attenuation might be explained from the tendency to assimilate the vowels, especially if the initial y> was pronounced, as in Syriac, like i (§ 47 b). In the ease of vr;y", however, a secondary form vrey: (cf. § 44 d) is probably to be assumed, since in Arabic also the verb is waçiçt_aç The forms ^Wvñreyw*i Ez 36:12 and h'Wvñrey*wI y Ps 69:36, &c., are most simply explained from the return of this iç.

t

5. As an exception, the imperfect NiphÇal sometimes has a y instead of the w, e. g. lx,Y"òYIw: and he stayed, Gn 8:12 (unless the PiÇeÒl or lx,y"w:, as in ver. 10, is to be read), cf. Ex 19:13; 1 S 13:8 K^ethiÖbh. — The first person always has the form bveW"ai, not bveW"a,, cf. § 51 p. — In the participle the plural ygE'Wn (from hg"y", with depression of oÖ to uÖ, cf. § 27 n) is found in Zp 3:18; cf. La 1:4. While in these cases some doubt may be felt as to the correctness of the Masoretic pointing, much more is this so in the perfect WdL.Wn null^edhuÖ, 1Ch 3:5, 20:8, for Wdl.An* which appears to be required by the waÒw in the initial syllable.

u

6. In the imperfect PiÇeÒl elision of the first radical (y) some times takes place after waÒw consec. (as in the case of a, § 68 k), e. g. hG<Y:w: for hG<y:y>w:, and he has grieved, La 3:33, WDY:w: for WDy:y>w: and they have cast, verse 53, from hdy, which may also be a true verb y¾¾p (on the other hand, in lr'Ag WDy: they have cast lots, Jo 4:3, Ob¹¹, Na 3:10, a perfect Qal of dd;y" is required by the context; but as this, being a transitive perfect, ought to have the form Wdd>y)' according to § 67 a, perhaps we should read WDyI). So from a verb y¾¾p, of the second class, WhveñB.Y:w: for WhveñB.y:y>w: and he made it dry, Na 1:4; cf. ~reV.Y:w: 2 Ch 32:30 Q^ereÖ (the K^eth. points either to PiÇeÒl ~reV.y:Y>w: or HiphÇiÖl ~reviy>Y:w:).

v

7. The imperative HiphÇiÖl, instead of the usual form bveAh, sometimes has Ö in the second syllable; ayciAh Is 43:8; [;ypiAh y Ps 94:1 (before h, hence probably a mere mistake for h['ypiñAh). On the uncertainty of the tone in aN"-h['yviAh see § 53 m. When closed by a guttural the second syllable generally has aç, as [d;Ah Ã [v;Ah, cf. also rq;ho Pr 25:17 (as in the infin. constr. xk;Ah Jb 6:26; see § 65 f). On the other hand, iÖ always appears when the syllable is open, thus hb'yviñAhàybiyviñAh, and so also before suffixes (§ 61 g). acey>h; Gn 8:17 Q^ereÖ (K^eth. aceAh, see § 70 b) is irregular. — The jussive and the imperfect consecutive HiphÇil when the tone is drawn back take S^eghoÖl in the second syllable, as in Qal, e. g. @s,Ayò that he may increase, Pr 1:5, before xq;l,ñ; cf. Ex 10:28 and Dt 3:26 after -la;; @s,YÔòw: (­.s.ATñ Pr 30:6 is anomalous); in pause, however, also @s;AT as jussive, Jb 40:32 (usual jussive in pause bveAy, &c., which occurs even without the pause after waÒw consecutive, Gn 47:11, Jos 24:3, 2 S 8:4, &c.). with a final guttural [d;ñyO and xk;ñAy (jussive) and xk;AYw:, &c.; with a fina r in pause rtñ†;Tow: Ru 2:14: on ~k,[]v†;yw> Is 35:4, cf. § 65 f). — On forms like [;yviAhy>, see § 53 q.

w

In HophÇal oÖ stands instead of W in [d;Ah (for [d;Wh) Lv 4:23, 28, hg"ho 2 S 20:13, and perhaps in ar,Ay (for hr,Wy) Pr 11:25; but cf. Delitzsch on the passage. — Ptcp. t[;d;ñWm Is 12:5 Q^ere (t[;D;uñyUm. K^eth). — An infinitive HophÇal with feminine ending occurs in td,L,ñhu Gn 40:20, for td,l,ñhu= älWh; cf. above, t, on WdL.Wn, and § 71 at the end.

x

8. The verb %l;h' to go, also belongs in some respects to the w¾¾p class, since it forms (as if from %l;w") imperfect %leyE, with waÒw consecutive %l,YEòw: (in pause %l†;YEw: Gn 24:61, &c.), 1st sing. %lea*ew" (but in Jb 19:10 %ol+a;ew)'); infinitive construct tk,l,ñ with suff. yTik.l, (S^eghoÖl under the influence of the following palatal, as in yDIk.n< cf. also yDIg>n<); imperative %leà-%l,, in the lengthened form hk'l. (as an interjection referring even to a feminine, Gn 19:32, or a plural, Gn 31:44) and ^l. (Nu 23:13, Ju 19:13, 2 Ch 25:17); Hiph. %yliAh (also in Ex 2:9 ykiyliñAh 2nd fem. imperative is to be read for ykiyliñyhe, which probably arose merely through confusion with the following WhqiñnIyhe); imperfect %yliAy, but in the 1st sing. of the imperfect consecutive always %leAw)" Lv 26:13, Am 2:10, &c. Rarely, and almost exclusively late or in poetry, the regular inflexions of %l;h' are also found: imperf. %'l{h]y†; (y Ps 58:9, &c.; but %l;h]T†i Ex 9:23, y Ps 73:9; cf. § 64 a and h); %l{h/a†, Jb 16:22, also MeÖsça‘; inscription, line 14, $lha; infin. %l{h] (Ex 3:19, Nu 22:13 f, 16, ⁶ Ec 6:8, 9); imperative plur. Wkl.hi Jer 51:50. On the other hand, the perfect Qal is always %l;h', participle %leho, infinitive absolute %Alh', NiphÇal %l;h/n),, PiÇeÒl %Lehi, HithpaÇeÒl %Leh;t.hi, so that a y never appears unmistakably as the first radical. The usual explanation of the above forms is nevertheless based on a supposed obsolete %l;y". It is, however, more correct to regard the apparent w¾¾p forms of $lh with Praetorius (ZAW. ii. 310 ff.) as originating with the HiphÇiÖl, of which the ground-form hahliÖkh became haÖliÖkh, and this again, on the analogy of the imperfect Qal of verbs a¾¾p, hoÖliÖkh. This hoÖliÖkh being referred to a supposed hauliÖkh (properly hawliÖkh) gave rise to new formations after the manner of verbs w¾¾p

Footnotes:

¹[1] The e of the first syllable is really eÖ, not tone-long eÒ, since it is retained not merely before the tone, and in the counter-tone (e. g. ~[ed'y)ew> Ho 14:10), but also in ^[]d†'ae Ex 33:13, 17. It is no objection to this view that the scriptio plena of this eÖ occurs (with the exception of rq;yyE y Ps 72:14, elsewhere pointed rq;yyI) only in Mi 1:8 and Ez 35:9 Keth.; in y Ps 138:6 the Masora prefers to point [d'yEy>. — Of the various explanations of the eÖ the most satisfactory is that of Philippi (ZDMG. xl. p. 653) that an original yaçliçd, for example (see above), became yilid by assimilation of the vowel of the first syllable to that of the second; this then became yeÖleÒd instead of yeÒleÒd, in an attempt to raise the word again in this way (by writing eÖ instead of eÒ) to a triliteral form.

²[1] A ninth @s;y" to add, is also to be included. In the MeÖsëaÇ-inscription, l. 21, the infinitive is written tpsl (cf. ytpsy, l. 29); hence read in Is 30:1 (Nu 32:14, Dt 29:18) tp,s,ñ for tAps.. The 2nd plur. masc. imperative Wps. Is 29:1, Jer 7:21 corresponds to Wbv.; thus in proof of a supposed hp's' addere, there remains only hP,s.a; Dt 32:23, for which, according to 2 S 12:8, read hp'siñao.

³[1]yTib.v;w> y Ps 23:6 can hardly be intended for an infin. with suffix from bv;y", but rather for a perf. consec. from bWv; but read yTib.v;y)"w>.

⁴[2] The infinitives h['De and hd'r> belong to the source marked E (Dillmann's B) in the modern criticism of the Pentateuch. The same document also has !ton> to give, for tTe; %l{h] to go, for tk,l,ñ; andhf[]to make, for tAf[]. See Dillmann, Die BB. Num., Deut., Jos., P, 618.

⁶[1] Cf. above, m, note 2.