§ 74. Verbs a¾¾l, e. g. ac'm' to find. Paradigm O.

1. In those forms which terminate with the a, the final syllable always has the regular vowels, if long, e. g. acemo; aCemi; aWcm'; aycim.hi, i. e. the a simply quiesces in the long vowel, without the latter suffering any change whatever. It is just possible that after the altogether heterogeneous vowel uÖ the a may originally have preserved a certain consonantal value. On the other hand, if the final a quiesces in a preceding aÁ (as in the perfect, imperfect, and imperative Qal, in the perfect NiphÇal, and in PuÇal and HophÇal) this aÁ is necessarily lengthened to aÒ, by § 27 g, as standing in an open syllable; e. g. ac'm'; ac'm.yI, &c.

b

The imperfect and imperative Qal invariably have aÒ in the final syllable, on the analogy of verbs tertiae gutturalis; cf., however, § 76 e.—In the imperfect HithpaÇeÒl aÒ occurs in the final syllable not only (according to § 54 k) in the principal pause (Nu 31:23), or immediately before it (Jb 10:16), or with the lesser disjunctives (Lv 21:1, 4, Nu 19:13, 20), but even out of pause with Mer^ekha, Nu 6:7, and even before Maqqeph in Nu 19:12.

d

(a) The S^eghoÖl of these forms of the imperfect and imperative might be considered as a modification, and at the same time a lengthening of an original aÁ (see § 8 a). In the same way the eÒ of the perfect forms in PiÇeÒl, HithpaÇeÒl, and HiphÇiÖl might be trÔaced to an original iÁ (as in other cases the eÒ and iÖ in the final syllable of the 3^rd sing. masc. perfect of these conjugations), although this iÁ may have only been attenuated from an original aÁ. According to another, and probably the correct explanation, however, both the SÍere and the S^eghoÖl are due to the analogy of verbs h¾¾l (§ 75 Í) in consequence of the close relation between the two classes, cf. § 75 nn.—No form of this kind occurs in PuÇal; in the perfect HophÇal only the 2nd masc. sing. ht'ab'ñhu Ez 40:4, lengthened according to rule.

e

(b) Before suffixes attached by a connecting vowel (e. g. ynIaeñr'q.yI) the a retains its consonantal value; so before . and ~k,, e. g. .a]c)'m.a, Ct 8:1; .a]r†;B'hi Ez 28:13 (cf. § 65 h), not .ac'm.a,, &c., since these suffixes, by § 58 f, are likewise attached to the verb-form by a connecting vowel in the form of SÛ^ewaÖ mobile.—As infinitive Qal with suffix notice .a]x.m; Ez 25:6; participle with suffix .a]r†;Bo Is 43:1; infinitivePiÇeÒl ~k,a]M†;j;B..—The doubly anomalous form Aar>q.yI Jer 23:6 (for Whaeñr'q.yI or WNa,ñr'q.yI) is perhaps a forma mixta combining the readings Aar'q.yI and War>q.yI.

REMARKS.

g

1. Verbs middle e, like alem' to be full, retain the SÍere also in the other persons of the perfect, e. g. ytialeñm' (Aal'm. Est 7:5 has¤' owing to its transitive use; for ~t,ar'y> Jos 4:24 read with Ewald ~t'a'r>yI). Instead of ha'c.m†' the form tar'q' she names, on the analogy of the h¾¾l-forms noticed in § 75 m, occurs in Is 7:14 (from ta;r>q†', cf. § 44 f), and with a different meaning (it befalls) in Dt 31:29, Jer 44:23, in both places before a, and hence, probably, to avoid a hiatus (on the other hand, taj'x'w> Ex 5:16, could only be the 2nd sing. masc.; the text which is evidently corrupt should probably be emended to .M,ñ[;l. t'aj'x'w> with the LXX); in NiphÇal tal'p.nI y Ps 118:23; in HophÇal tab'hu Gn 33:11.—The 2nd fem. sing. is written t.ar'q' by Baer, Gen 16:11, &c., according to early MSS.

h

2.The infin. Qal occurs sometimes on the analogy of verbs h¾¾l (tAlG>, &c., see § 75 nn) in the feminine form; so always taolm. to fill (as distinguished from aolm. fullness), Lv 8:33, 12:4, 6, 25:30, Jer 29:10, Ez 5:2, also written twaolm. Jer 25:12; Jb 20:22, &c., and taAlm. Est 1:5. Cf. further, taorq. Ju 8:1; taonf. Pr 8:13; before suffixes, Ez 33:12, and likewise in Niph. Zc 13:4; also in PiÇeÒl taoLm;l. Ex 31:5, 35:33, or tAaLm;l. Dn 9:2, &c. K^ethiÖbh; with suffix 2 S 21:2.—On the (aramaïzing) infinitives aV'om; and tAaf.m;, see § 45 e; on tar;q.li obviam, § 19 k.—~k,a]c);moB. when ye find, Gn 32:20, stands, according to § 93 q, for ~k,a]c.m'. The tone of the lengthened imperative ha'ñp'r> y Ps 41:5 as Mil^eraÇ (before yvip.n:) is to be explained on rhythmical grounds; cf. the analogous cases in § 72 s.—The 2nd fem. plur. imperative in Ru 1:9 has, according to QimhÌi, the form !'aceÐm. and in verse 20 !'areñq.; on the other hand, the Mantua edition and Ginsburg, on good authority, read !'ac,m.;'!ar,q..

i

3. The participle fem. is commonly contracted, e. g. tacemo (for ta,c,Ðmo) 2 S 18:22, cf. Est 2:15; so NiphÇal talep.nI Dt 30:11, Zc 5:7 (but ha'F'nI Is 30:25), and HophÇal, Gn 38:25; less frequent from are taec.Am) Ct 8:10; taev.on* 1 K 10:22 (cf. § 76 b, taef. beside tafel' as infinitive construct from af'n") and without a (see k) tceAy (from ac'y") Dt 28:57. In the forms ~yajixo sinning, I S 14:33, cf. y Ps 99:6; ~ad'Bo feigning them, Neh 6:8, the a is elided, and is only retained orthographically (§ 23 c) after the retraction of its vowel; see the analogous cases in § 75 oo.—On the plur. masc. ptcp. Niph. cf. § 93 oo.

k

4. Frequently an a which is quiescent is omitted in writing (§ 23 f): (a) in the middle of the word, e. g. WnB'ñ 1 S 25:8; ytic'Ðm' Nu 11:11, cf. Jb 1:21; ytim.ñc' Ju 4:19, cf. Jb 32:18. In the imperfect hn"F,ñTi Jer 9:17, Zc 5:9, Ru 1:14 (but the same form occurs with YoÖdh pleonastic after the manner of verbs h¾¾l in Ez 23:49, according to the common reading; cf. § 76 b and Jer 50:20); in PiÇeÒl hN"J,ñx;a] (after elision of the a, cf. § 75 oo) Gn 31:39; and also in NiphÇal ~t,mej.nI Lv 11:43; cf. Jos 2:16. (b) at the end of the word; AbY"w: 1 K 12:12 K^ethiÖbh; HiPhÇiÖl yjix/h†, 2 K 13:6, cf. Is 53:10 (ylix/h†, for aylix/h†, perfect HiphÇiÖl of hl'x' formed after the manner of verbs a¾¾l); in the imperfect HiphÇiÖl yViy: y Ps 55:16 K^ethiÖbh; ynIy" y Ps 141:5; ybia' 1 K 21:29, Mi 1:15; in the infinitive, Jer 32:35; in the participle, 2 S 5:2, 1 K 21:21, Jer 19:15, 39:16, all in K^ethiÖbh (ybime, always before a, hence perhaps only a scribal error).

l

5. In the jussive, imperfect consecutive, and imperative HiphÇiÖl a number of cases occur with iÖ in the final syllable; cf. aViy: Is 36:14 (in the parallel passages 2 K 18:29, 2 Ch 32:15 ayViy:); aybiY"w: Neh 8:2 (before [); ajix]†Y:w: 2 K 21:11 (cf. 1 K 16:2, 21:22); aBix.T;w: 2 K 6:29; aciAYw: Dt 4:20, 2 K 11:12, y Ps 78:16, 105:43; imperative aybih' Jer 17:18; ayciAh Is 43:8 (in both cases before [). If the tradition be correct (which at least in the defectively written forms appears very doubtful) the retention of the iÖ is to be attributed to the open syllable; while in the closed syllable of the 3^rd sing. masc. and fem., and the 2nd sing. masc. after w consecutive, the iÖ is always reduced to eÒ. In the examples before [ considerations of euphony may also have had some influence (cf. § 75 hh).—In Ez 40:3, Baer reads with the Western school aybeY"w:, while the Orientals read in the K^ethiÖbh awbyw and in the Q^ereÖ abeY"w:.

On the transition of verbs a¾¾l to forms of h¾¾l see § 75 nn.