§ 75. Verbs h¾¾l, e. g. hl'G" to reveal. Paradigm P.

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 149 ff.; Grundriss, p. 618 ff.— G. R. Berry, 'Original Waw in h¾¾lverbs' in AJSL. xx. 256 f.

a

These verbs, like the verbs y¾¾p (§§ 69, 70), belong to two different classes, viz. those originally w¾¾l and those originally y¾¾l,1which in Arabic, and even more in Ethiopic, are still clearly distinguished. In Hebrew, instead of the original w or y at the end of the word, a h always appears (except in the ptcp. pass. Qal) as a purely orthographic indication of a final vowel (§ 23 k); hence both classes are called h¾¾l, e. g. hl'G" for yl;G" he has revealed; hl'v' for wlev' he has rested. By far the greater number of these verbs are, however, treated as originally y¾¾l; only isolated forms occur of verbs w¾¾l.

b

hl'v' to be at rest may be recognized as originally w¾¾l', in the forms in which the WaÒw appears as a strong consonant, cf. 1st sing. perfect Qal yTiw>l;ñv' Jb 3:26, the participle wlev' and the derivative hw"l.v; rest; on the other hand the imperfect is Wyl'ñv.yI (with yoÖdh). In hn"[' (Arab. yn[) to answer, and hn"[' (Arab. wn[)2 to be afflicted, are to be seen two verbs originally distinct, which have been assimilated in Hebrew (see the Lexicon, s. v. hn"[').
Of quite a different class are those verbs of which the third radical is a consonantal h (distinguished by MappiÖq). These are inflected throughout like verbs tertiae gutturalis. Cf. § 65 note on the heading.

c

The grammatical structure of verbs h¾¾l (see Paradigm P) is based on the following laws:—

1. In all forms in which the original YoÖdh or WaÒw would stand at the end of the word, it is dropped (cf. § 24 g) and h takes its place as an orthographic indication of the preceding long vowel. Such an indication would have been indispensable, on practical grounds, in the still unvocalized consonantal text. But even after the addition of the vowel signs, the orthographic rule remained, with insignificant exceptions (see § 8 k, and aÒ in T'l.j;ñq', &c.), that a final vowel must be indicated by a vowel letter. In verbs h¾¾l the h which is here employed as a vowel letter is preceded by the same vowel in the same part of the verb throughout all the conjugations. Thus the endings are —

h¤' in all perfects, hl'G"; hl'g>nI; hL'GI, &c.

h¤, in all imperfects and participles, hl,g>yI; hl,GO, &c.

h¤e in all imperatives, hleG>; hLeG:, &c.

h¤o in the infinitive absolute (hl{G", &c.), except in HiphÇiÖl, HophiÇal, and generally also PieÒl, see aa and íí

The participle passive Qal alone forms an exception, the original y (or w, see v) reappearing at the end, yWlG"; and so also some derived nouns (§ 84a c, e, &c.).

The infinitive construct always has the ending tA (with t feminine); Qal tAlG>, PiÇeÒl, tALG: &c.; for exceptions, see n and y.

d

These forms may be explained as follows:— in the perfect Qal hl'G" stands, according to the above, for (y)l;G", and, similarly, in NiphÇal, PuÇal, and HophÇal. The PiÇeÒl, and HithpaÇeÒl may be based on the forms lJ;qi; lJ;q;t.hi (§ 52 l; and § 54 k), and HiphÇiÖl on the form lj;q.hi, on the analogy of the aÁ in the second syllable of the Arabic ÈaqtaÁlaÁ (§ 53 a). Perhaps, however, the final aÒ of these conjugations simply follows the analogy of the other conjugations.

e

The explanation of the final tone-bearing h¤, of the imperfect is still a matter of dispute. As to the various treatments of it, see Barth, Nominalbildung, i. p. xxx ff, with § 136, Rem., and ZDMG. xliv. 695 f., against Philippi's objections in the Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie, 1890, p. 356 f.; also ZDMG. lvi. 244, where Barth appeals to the rule that, in the period before the differentiation of the North Semitic dialects, final iy becomes ¤, (constr. h¤e), not iÖ; M. Lambert, Journ. Asiat. 1893, p. 285; Prätorius, ZDMG. lv. 365. The most probable explanation now seems to be, first, that the uniform pronunciation of all imperfects and participles with SeghoÖl in the last syllable merely follows the analogy of the impf. Qal, and secondly, that the SeghoÖl of the impf. Qal does perhaps ultimately represent a contraction of the original terminationy¤; ( = ai ), although elsewhere (e.g. in the imperative of h¾¾l) ai is usually contracted to eÖ.

f

2. When the original YoÖdh stands at the end of the syllable before an afformative beginning with a consonant (t; n) there arises (a) in the perfects, primarily the diphthong ai (y¤; ). In the middle of the word this ought always to be contracted to eÖ (y¤e), but this eÖ is only found consistently in the passive conjugations, whilst regularly in Qal, and frequently in the other active and reflexive conjugations (especially in PiÇeÒl), it appears as iÖ (cf.x, z, ee). This iÖ, however, in the perf. Qal is not to be explained as a weakening of an original eÖ, but as the original vowel of the intransitive form. It then became usual also in the transitive forms of Qal (and in some other conjugations on this analogy), whereas e. g. in Syriac the two kinds of forms are still carefully distinguished, — (b) In the imperfects and imperatives, y¤, with the tone always appears before the afformative hn". On the most probable explanation of this y¤,, see above, e.

g

Summary. Accordingly before afformatives beginning with a consonant the principal vowel is —

In the perfect Qal iÖ, e.g. t'yliG"Ð;

In the perfects of the other active and reflexive conjugations, sometimes eÖ, sometimes iÖ, t'yLeñGI and t'yLiñGI ’ t'yleñg>nI and t'yliñg>nI;

In the perfects passive always eÖ, e. g. t'yLeñGU;

In the imperfects and imperatives always y¤,, e.g. hn"yl,ñG>; hn"yl,ñg>Ti.

The diphthongal forms have been systematically retained in Arabic and Ethiopic; only as an exception and in the popular language is the diphthong contracted. In Aramaic the contracted forms predominate, yet the Syriac, for example, has in Qal 2nd pers. sing. gelait (but 1st pers. sing. tyliG>), and so too the Western Aramaic t'y>l;G>, but also t'yleG>.

h

3. Before the vocalic afformatives (W: y¤i; h¤') the YoÖdh is usually dropped altogether, e.g. WlG" (ground-form gaÁlaÁyuÖ), ylig>Ti, participle fem. hl'GO, plur. masc. ~yliGO; yet the old full forms also not infrequently occur, especially in pause, see u. The elision of the YoÖdh takes place regularly before suffixes, e. g. .l.G)' (see ll).

i

4. In the 3rd sing. fem. perfect, the original feminine ending t¤; was appended to the stem; hence, after elision of the YoÖdh, arose properly forms like tl'G", with aÒ in the final syllable with the tone. This form, however, has been but rarely preserved (see below, m). The analogy of the other forms had so much influence, that the common ending h¤' was added pleonastically to the ending t¤'. Before the h¤' the vowel of the ending t¤', which thus loses the tone, becomes S–ewaÖ, and thus there arise such forms as ht'l.G)'; ht'l.g>nI, &c. (but in pause ht'l'ñG", &c.).

For similar cases see § 70 d; § 91 m.

k

5. Finally, a strongly-marked peculiarity of verbs h¾¾l, is the rejection of the ending h¤, in forming the jussive and the imperfect consecutive. This shortening occurs in all the conjugations, and sometimes also involves further changes in the vocalization (see o, y, bb, gg). Similarly, in some conjugations a shortened imperative (cf. § 48 k) is formed by apocope of the final h¤e (see cc, gg).

l

6. The ordinary form of the imperfect with the ending h¤, serves in verbs h¾¾l to express the cohortative also (§ 48 c); cf. Gn 1:26, 2:18, 2 Ch 25:17, &c. With a final h¤' there occur only: in Qal, h['v.a, y Ps 119:117, hy"m+'h/a†, (with the y retained, see below, u) y Ps 77:4; and in HithpaÇeÒl h['T'ñv.nIw> Is 41:23 (with TÍiphhÌa, therefore in lesser pause).

REMARKS.

1. On Qal.

m

1. The older form of the fem. of the 3rd sing. perf. tl'G", mentioned above, under i (cf. § 74 g), is preserved in tf'[' (before a) Lv 25:21 (cf. 2 K 9:37 KethiÖbh)3; likewise in HiphÇiÖl tc'r>hi (before a) Lv 26:34; ta+'l.h, Ez 24:12; and in HophÇal tl'g>h', (before y>) Jer 13:19, — The 2nd sing. fem. is also written t.y¤i; thus in the textus receptus t.yyIh'w> 2 S 14:2, and always in Baer's editions (since 1872), as in most other verbs; t.y!ix' and t.yLiGI Is 57:8; t.yfi[' Jer 2:23, Ez 16:48, &c. (so t.aceAhw> 1 K 17:13 from ac'y"). In the 3rd pers. plur. the tone, instead of keeping its usual place (WÐlG", &c.), is retracted in y Ps 37:20, WlK'ñ', both on account of the pauÊse and also in rhythmical antithesis to the preceding WÐlK'; also in Is 16:8 W[T' (according to Delitzsch for the sake of the assonance with W[g"Ðn"); and in Jb 24:1 Wzx'ñ.— On the tone of the perfect consecutive see § 49 k.

n

2. The infin. absol. frequently has A (probably a survival of the older orthography) for h¤o, e. g. Ayh' Gn 18:18; Af[' Jer 4:18, &c., Ez 31:11; Anq' 2 S 24:24; Aar' Gn 26:28, Is 6:9 (cf. 1 S 6:12), &c., beside haor'. The form tAtv' Is 22:13 (beside Atv' in the same verse) appears to have been chosen on account of its similarity in sound to jxov'; so in Is 42:20 QereÖ and Ho 10:4, tAla' (unless it is a substantive, oaths) and troK'; cf. also tAr[' Hb 3:13.— Conversely, instead of the infinitive construct tAlG> such forms are occasionally found as holG> or AlG>, cf. haor> Gn 48:11; hnOq. Pr 16:16; hf[] Gn 50:20, y Ps 101:3, also Af[] Gn 31:28 (cf. Pr 31:4), and even with the suffix Wh the very remarkable form Whfñ[] Ex 18:18.4.— The feminine form hw"a]r†; (for tAar>) Ez 28:17, analogous to nouns like hw"a]G); (cf. § 45 d), is strange, but hyEh/ as infin. Ez 21:15 is quite inexplicable.— The forms Agho and Arho Is 59:13 are perhaps to be regarded with Barth, Nominalbildung, § 51 a, as infinitives absolute of the passive of Qal (see above, § 53 u), not of PoÖÇeÒl.— The 2nd sing. masc. imperative hy<x.w)< occurs in the principal pause in Pr 4:4 and 7:2; but probably these forms are simply to be attributed to a Masoretic school, which in general marked the difference between certain forms by the use of eÊ for eÒ, and conversely eÒ for eÊ; cf. the analogous examples in § 52 n, and especially § 75 hh, also Kautzsch, Grammatik des Bibl.-Aram., § 17, 2, Rem. 1.—On the reading hn"yaeñr]W* Ct 3:11 (for hn"ya,ñr]W*, on the analogy of the reading hn"aceÐm., &c., § 74 h), see Baer's note on the passage.

o

3. The shortening of the imperfect (see above, k, and the note on hh) occasions in Qal the following changes:
(a) As a rule the first radical takes a helping SeghoÖl, or, if the second radical is a guttural, a helping PathahÌ (according to § 28 e). Thus lg<yIÐ for l.g>yI ’ zb,YIÐw: and he despised, Gn 25:34; !b,YIÐw: and he built; [v;yIÐ he looks; xm;YIÐw: and he destroyed, Gn 7:23.

p

(b) The iÁ of the preformative is then sometimes lengthened to eÒ, e. g. ar,yEÐ he sees. This, however, mostly happens only after the preformative t, whilst after y the homogeneous iÁ remains, e. g. lk,Teñw: (but lk,yIÐ), !p,Teñw: (but !p,yIÐ), br,Teñw: (but br,YIÐw:); with middle guttural [t;Teñ; Hk;Teñw: Jb 17:7 (from hh'K'). The unusual position of the tone in areñTe Zc 9:5, areñtew> Mi 7:10 (so Baer and Ginsb.; ed. Mant. ar,ñyE; ar,ñyEw>) is best explained (except in ar,ñyE Gn 41:33, before p) on the analogy of hm'ñWq, &c., § 72 s, as due to the following a. But cf. also hh.

q

(c) The helping vowel is elsewhere not used under the circumstances mentioned in § 28 d; B.v.YIw: Nu 21:l, Jer 41:10, cf. T.p.YIw: Jb 31:27; on the other hand, with iÁ lengthened into eÒ (see p) T.v.YEw:; +.b.YEw:; D>r>YEw:; j.f.yE. The form ar,yEÐ he sees, occurs parallel with ar>Y:w: and he saw (but 3rd fem. always ar,Teñw:), the latter with the original PathahÌ on account of the following r and identical with the 3rd sing. masc. of the imperf. consec. HiphÇiÖl, 2 K 11:4.

r

(d) Examples of verbs primae gutturalis (§ 63), and at the same time h¾¾l, are f[;Y:Ðw:, in pause f[;Y"Ðw: and he made, from hf'[' ’ ![;Y:Ðw: and he answered, from hn"[' (always identical with the corresponding forms in HiphÇiÖl), #x;Y:Ðw: and he divided, from hcx. On some similar forms of a¾¾p see § 76 d.— In the following cases the initial (hard) guttural does not affect the form: rx;YIÐw: and he was wroth, !x;YIÐw: and he encamped (3rd plur. Wnx]Y);w:), D>x;yIÐ), (with DagesÛ lene and SewaÖ) let it rejoice, Jb 3:6; cf. Ex 18:9.— On zYIw:; zyEw>; jYEw: (h¾¾l as well as !¾¾p), &c., see § 76 b, c, f.

s

(e) The verbs hy"h' to be, and hy"x' to live, of which the shortened imperfects ought to be yihy and yihÌy, change these forms to yhiy> and yxiy>, the second YoÖdh being resolved into iÖ at the end of the word; but in pause (§ 29 n) yhiy<Ð; yxiy<Ð, with the original aÁ modified to SeghoÖl with the tone (cf. also nouns like ykiB. for bakhy. in pause ykiB,ñ ’ ynI[\ for ÇoÁny, &c., § 84a c, and § 93 x). For yviT,ñ, however, in Dt 32:18, since no verb hy"v' exists, we must read either vTe, or better hV,Ti (Samaritan aXt), as imperfect Qal of hv'n" to forget.— Analogus to yhiy> from hy"h', there occurs once, from hw"h' to be, the form aWhy> for Why> he will be, Ec 11:3, but no doubt aWh is the right reading.

t

The full forms (without apocope of the h¤,, cf. § 49 c) not infrequently occur after waÒw consecutive, especially in the 1st pers. and in the later books, e. g. ha,r>a,w)' and I saw, twenty times, and Jos 7:21 in KethiÖbh, but never in the Pentateuch (ar,aeñw" fifteen times, of which three are in the Pent.); also in the 3rd pers. ha,r>YIw: Ez 18:28, Jb 42:16 Qere; hf,[]Y);w: and he made, four times (but f[;Y:Ðw: over 200 times); cf. also Ju 19:2 (hn<z>Tiw); 1 K 10:29 (hl,[]T†;w:); Dt 1:16 (hW<c;a]w)'), and Gn 24:48. So also occasionally for the jussive, cf. Gn 1:9, 41:34, Jer 28:6.— For the well attested, but meaningless War>yT†i Jb 6:21 (doubtless caused by the following War†'yTiw:), read War>Ti ye see, with Ginsburg.

u

4. The original y sometimes appears even before afformatives beginning with a vowel (cf. above, h and l), especially in and before the pause, and before the full plural ending !W¤, or where for any reason an emphasis rests on the word. Perfect hy"s'ñx' y Ps 57:2, Wys'ñx' Dt 32:37, cf. y Ps 73:2 QereÖ; imperative Wy['ñB. Is 21:12. Imperfect Wyt+'a/y)< Jb 16:22, 30:14 (without the pause, y Ps 68:32); Wyl'ñv.yI y Ps 122:6, Jb 12:6, cf. y Ps 77:4; !yUB.r>yI Dt 8:13; y Ps 36:9: more frequently like !WyT'v.yI y Ps 78:44; Is 17:12, 21:12, 26:11, 31:3, 33:7, 41:5, y Ps 36:8, 39:7, 83:3; before a suffix, Jb 3:25. Also in Pr 26:7 Wyl.D†', as perf. Qal from hl'D', was perhaps originally intended, but hardly Wyl'ñD', since these full forms, though they may stand out of pause, do not begin sentences; Wyl.D;ñ probably points to WLD;ñ from ll;D' as the right reading, since the sense requires an intransitive verb. Cf. further, v, x, dd, gg.

v

5. The participle active (cf. Vollers, 'Das QaÖtil-Partizipium,' ZA. 1903, p. 312 ff., and on the participles of h¾¾l, ibid., p. 316 ff.), besides feminine forms like hl'[o Ju 20:81, &c., ha'ro Pr 20:12, has also a feminine which retains the 3rd radical y, viz. hY"kiAB) (= hk'Bo) weeping, La 1:16; hY"miAh) tumultuous, Is 22:2 (plur. Pr 1:21); hY"piAc* spying, Pr 31:27, hY"rIP)o fruitful, y Ps 128:3, plur. tAYtia)o the things that are to come, Is 41:23. With the ordinary strong inflexion y appears in hy"j.[†o Ct 1:7, but perhaps there also hY"ji[†o was intended, unless it should be hY"[ij)o a wanderer. ForynIa'ñro Is 47:10, ynIaeñro is to be read.— On hveo[ 1 K 20:40 for hv,o[, cf. § 116 g, note.—In the participle passive the 3rd radical still sometimes appears as w (§ 24 b), cf. Wf[' made, Jb 41:25, Wpc' Jb 15:22, contracted from wWf['; wWpc'; and before a formative ending, it even has its consonantal sound, ~wwX[h (read ~wIWf[]h†') 2 K 23:4; twwX[ (read ÇasuÖwoÖth) 1 S 25:18 KethiÖbh, twwjn (read netÌuÖwoÖth) Is 3:16 KethiÖbh. The shortening of the uÖ in tAYaur> Est 2:9 is irregular.

w

6. The defective writing is rare in such forms as t'yIÐh'w> 2 S 15:33; ytinIÐB' 1 K 8:44, cf. 1K 9:3; hn"l,ñd>Tiw: Ex 2:16 (cf. Jer 18:21, 48:6, 1Ch 7:15, Jb 17:5, &c.), and the pronunciation hN"ya,ñr>Ti Mi 7:10, cf. hN"n+,[]T†; Ju 5:29 (unless they are sing. with suff. of the 3rd sing. fem.). Both cases are probably to be explained according to § 20 i

II. On NiphÇal.

x

7. Here the forms with y¤e in the 1st and 2nd pers. sing. of the perfect predominate (y¤i only in t'yQiñnI Gn 24:8); on the other hand in the 1st plur. always y¤i, as Wnyliñg>nI 1 S 14:8. No examples of the 2nd plur. occur.— With y retained in pause WyJ'ênI Nu 24:6; once with an initial guttural Wrx]n)i Ct 1:6 for Wrx/n),, probably arising from the ordinary strong form nihÌru, but the harshness of x immediately followed by r is avoided by pronouncing the x with HÍatÌeph–PathahÌ.— In the 3rd sing. fem. hw"T†'v.nI Pr 27:15 (in pause for hw"T.v.nI) w and t may be transposed for euphonic reasons; but probably we should simply read ht'w"Ðv.nI.— Among NiphÇal forms of h¾¾l must be classed, with Buxtorf and others (cf. Nöldeke, ZDMG. xxx. 185), hw"a]n); from hw"a', not PiÇlel of han = wan; hence, according to § 23 d, Wwan" they are beautiful (for Wwa]n)Ñ) Is 52:7, Ct 1:10; but in y Ps 93:5, where Baer requires hw"a]n)', read hw"a]n); with ed. Mant., Ginsb.

y

8. The apocope of the imperfect causes no further changes beyond the rejection of the h¤,, e. g. lG"yI from hl,G"yI; in one verb middle guttural, however, a form occurs with the QamesÌ shortened to PathahÌ, viz. xM;yI (for xM'yI) y Ps 109:13, as in verbs [¾¾[; but in pause xM†'Ti verse 14. Cf. bb.— The infinitive absolute tAlg>nI emphasizing an infinitive construct, 2 S 6:20, is very extraordinary; probably it is a subsequent correction of an erroneous repetition of twlgh.— The infin. constr. haor'x†el. occurs in Ju 13:21, 1 S 3:21 for taor'h†el.; cf. above, n.— On the infinitive NiphÇal with the h elided, see § 51 l.— The irregular Wl[]T†e Ez 36:3 has probably arisen from a combination of the readings Wl[]T†; (Qal) and Wl[;T†e (NiphÇal). Similarly the solecism hz"b.min> 1 S 15:9 might be due to a combination of the participle fem. NiphÇal (hz"b.nI, cf: hl'x.n:; hP'x.n<; xf'[]n);) with the HophÇal (hz"b.mu); but it is more correct, with Wellhausen, to explain the m from a confusion with smn and to read, in fact, ts,a'ñm.nIw> xz"b.nI.

III. On piÇeÒl, PoÖÇeÒl, PuÇal, and HithpaÇeÒl.

z

9. In the 1st and 2nd persons of the perfect PiÇeÒl the second syllable in most of the instances has y¤i on the analogy of Qal (see f), as t'yMiñDI; ytiyWIÐqi; always so in the first plur., and before suffixes, e. g. WnySiñKi Gn 37:26, Wnt'ñyKiDI y Ps 44:20. The form with y¤e is found only in the 1st sing. (e. g. Jo 4:21; Is 5:4, 8:17 along with the form with iÖ). On the tone of the perf. consec. PiÇel of h¾¾l, see § 49 k.— HithpaÇeÒl has (besides y¤e Jer 17:16) as a rule y¤i ( Pr 24:10, 1 K 2:26, Jer 50:24 ). On the other hand, Pu‰al always has y¤e, e. g. ytiyFeñ[u y Ps 139:15.— A 1st sing. perfect PoÖÇeÒl ytifeñAv ( = ytiyseAv) occurs in Is 10:13.

aa

10. The infinitive absolute PiÇeÒl takes the form hLeK;; hWEq; ( like lJeq;, the more frequent form even in the strong verb, see § 52 o); with oÖ only in y Ps 40:2 hWOq;; with oÖth Hb 3:13 tAr[' (cf. above, n). On Agho and Arho, infinitives absolute of the passive of Qal, not of poÖÇeÒl, see above, n. — As infinitive construct yKex; occurs in PiÇeÒl, Ho 6:9 (only orthographically different from hKex;, if the text is correct ); aLek;l. Dn 9:24 (on the a see rr); hLek;l.-d[; 2 Ch 24:10, 31:1, for which in 2 K 13:17, 19, Ezr 9:14 hLeK;-d[ with infin. abs.; in puÇal tAN[u y Ps 132:1.

bb

II. The apocopated imperfect must (according to § 20 l ) lose the DagesÛ forte of the second radical, hence wc;y>w: and he commanded, r[;T. ( for hr,['T. = teÇarreÊ ) y Ps 141:8; cf. Gn 24:20; even in the principal pause lg);T.-la; Pr 25:9; HithpaÇeÒl lG:t.YIw: and he unconvered himself, Gn 9:21; [r;t.Ti Pr 22:24; cf. y Ps 37:1, 7, 8. With the lengthening of PathahÌ to QamesÌ, wt'y>w: and he made marks, 1 S 21:14 (but read with Thenius @t'Y"Ðw:, and instead of the meaningless ANv;y>w: ibid. read !v;y>w:). In HithpaÇeÒl rG"t.Ti-la;, in close connexion, Dt 2:9, 19; [T'v.Ti Is 41:10; according to QimhÌi also wa't.yI; wa't.Ti y Ps 45:12, Pr 23:3, 6, 24:1, 1 Ch 11:17, whilst Baer and Ginsburg read with the best authorities wa;t.yI; wa;t.Ti ( but cf. König, Lehrgebäude, i. 597 ).5— On .w>x;a] Jb 15:17 ( for .W>x;a] ) cf. § 20 m; on .l.k,a] Ex 33:3, see § 27 q; on dr;y> Ju 5:13, see § 69 g. Finally, on Wyl.D;, which is referred to PiÇeÒl by some, as a supposed imperative, see above, u.

cc

12. Examples of apocopated imperatives in PiÇeÒl and HithpaÇeÒl are: wc;, also hWEc; command thou, lG: open thou, y Ps 119:18, 22; !m; prepare thou, y Ps 61:8; sn: for hSen: prove thou, Dn 1:12; lx+;t.hi feign thyself sick, 2 S 13:5; cf. Dt 2:24.— On hB,r; Ju 9:29, cf. § 48 l. — In y Ps 137:7 Wr['ñrase it, is found twice instead of Wrñ[' ( for ÇarruÖ ) for rhythmical reasons (cf., however, Wr['ñywI in the imperfect, 2 Ch 24:11 ).

dd

13. Examples of forms in which the YoÖdh is retained are the imperfects WyM.d;T. Is 40:18, cf. verse 25 and 46:5; Wm+yUs.k;y> they cover them, Ex 15:5; participle PuÇal ~yIx'm†um. Is 25:6; for %w<Y"Ðr;a] Is 16:9 ( from hw"r' ) read with Margolis, %yIW:Ðr;a].

IV. On HiphÇiÖl and HophÇal.

ee

14. The 3rd sing. perfect. HiphÇiÖl sometimes has SeghoÖl in the first syllable instead of eÁ ( § 53 p ), especially in hl'g>h, ( but perfect consecutive hl'g>hiw> 2 K 24:14 ), ha'r>h,; ha'l.h,; also with suffixes, e.g. ~l'og>h, 1 Ch 8:7, ynIa+'l.h, Jb 16:7, HD'p.h,w> Ex 21:8. The SeghoÖl also occurs in the 1st sing., e. g. .ytiñael.h, Mi 6:3. On ytiyaer>h;w> Na 3:5, cf. § 53 p. The forms with eÖ in the second syllable ( also written defectively, as ytiñKehiw> Jer 21:6 ) are found throughout in the 1st sing. ( except Pr 5:13 ), rarely in the 2nd sing. masc., and never in the 1st plur. In the other persons they are about equally common with iÖ, except in the 2nd plur., where iÖ predominates. Before suffixes the forms with iÖ predominate throughout; cf., however, eÖ in Ex 4:12, Mi 6:3, Pr 4:11. On the tone of the perf. consec. Hiph. of h¾¾l, see § 49 k. In HophÇal only y¤e occurs in the 2nd syllable.

ff

15. In the infinitive HiphÇiÖl of hb'r' to be abundant, besides the construct tABr>h; we find the absolute hB'r>h; taking the place of the common form hBer>h;, which had come to be used invariably ( but König calls attention to its use as infinitive construct in Ez 21:20 ) as an adverb, in the sense of much; in 2 S 14:11 the QereÖ requires tB;r>h; for the KethiÖbh tyBir>h;, an evident scribal error for tABr>h;. Cf. Gn 41:49, 22:17, Dt 28:63; the pointing hB,r>h; Jer 42:2 probably arises from regarding this form as a noun. — On tArM.h; Jb 17:2 ( with DagesÛ f. dirimens) see § 20 h. — In 2 K 3:24 tAKh; ( before a ) is probably infinitive absolute, used in order to avoid the hiatus, cf. § 113 x, and on a similar case in Qal, see above, n.— On the infinitives with elision of the h, cf. § 53 q.

gg

16. The shortened imperfect HiphÇiÖl either takes no helping vowel, as T.p.y: let him enlarge, Gn 9:27; D>r>y: he shall subdue, Is 41:2; q.v.Y:w: and he watered, Gn 29:10; &c.; ar>Y:w: and he showed, 2 K 11:4 ( see § 28 d): or else has a helping vowel, as lg<y<Ð ( for lg<y:Ð, see § 27 r ), e. g. 2 K 18:11; rp,Y<Ðw: y Ps 105:24; rm,T,ñw: Ez 5:6; [t;Y<Ðw: 2 Ch 33:9; braw i.e. probably br,a,ñw" Jos 24:3 KethiÖbh ( hB,r>a;w)" QereÖ ).— Examples of verbs first guttural: l[;Y:Ðw: Nu 23:2, l[;a;ñw" &c., which can be distinguished as HiphÇiÖl from the similar forms in Qal only by the sense.— The apocopated imperative HiphÇiÖl always ( except in verbs !¾¾p, e.g. %h;; jh;, § 76 c ) has a helping vowel, SeghoÖl or PathahÌ, e.g. br,h,ñ increase thou ( for harb, hBer>h; ) y Ps 51:4 QereÖ, also Ju 20:38; where, however, it cannot be explained the text stands; @r,h,ñ let alone (for ­.r>h;; hPer>h; Dt 9:14, &c.; l[;h;ñ ( for hle[]h†; ) Ex 8:1, 33:12; but for [v;h' y Ps 39:14, which would only be imperative HiphÇiÖl of [[;v' ( = smear over, as in Is 6:10 ), read with Baethgen h[ev. look away.— The imperfect HiphÇiÖl with YoÖdh retained occurs only in !Wyg>AT Jb 19:2, from hg"y". Cf. u.

V. In General.

hh

17. In Aramaic the imperfect and participle of all the conjugations terminate in a¤e or y¤e. The Hebrew infinitives, impeÊratives, and imperfects in h¤e, less frequently a¤e or y¤e, may be due to imitation of these forms. On the infinitive construct PiÇeÒl yKex;, see above, aa; imperatitve Qal awEh/ Jb 37:6 ( in the sense of fall ); imperfect areyE let him look out, Gn 41:33 ( but see above, p ); hfe[]y); he will do, Is 64:3; hyEh.T†i-la; Jer 17:17; abeTo-la; consent thou not, Pr 1:10; hfe[]T†;-la; do thou not, 2 S 13:12 ( the same form in Gn 26:29, Jos 7:9, Jer 40:16 QereÖ ); hyEh.a†, ( so Baer and Ginsburg, after cod. Hillel, &c. ) I will be, Jer 31:1; hfe[]N);w: Jos 9:24; haer>Ti Dn 1:13. Cf. also in NiphÇal hceM'yI Lv 5:9; hnEB'Ti ( according to QimhÌi ) Nu 21:27; in PiÇeÖl hLeg:T. Lv 18:7, 8, 12–17, 20:19, in each case h+Leg:t. aol, beside hL,g:T. with a minor distinctive; hQ+nE;y> ( Baer hQ,n:y> ) Na 1:3; hrez"a/ Ez 5:12 ( with Zaqeph; Baer hr,z"a/ ). The fact, however, that a great number of these forms occur in pause and represent at the same time a jussive or voluntatitve ( Jos 7:9 ), suggests the view that the SÍere is used merely to increase the emphasis of the pausal form, and at the same time to make a distinction in sound between the jussive or voluntatitve and the ordinary imperfect.6 Elsewhere ( Gn 26:29, Lv 5:9, Jer 40:16, Dn 1:13; according to Baer also Mi 7:10, Zc 9:5 ) the pronunciation with eÖ is probably intended to soften the hiatus caused by a following a or [; cf. the analogous cases above, § 74 l.

ii

The ending y¤i appears to stand for h¤, in the imperfect Qal in ~v'-ynIz>Tiw: and there hath she played the harlot, Jer 3:6; perhaps, however, the 2nd sing. fem. is intended, or it may have been introduced into the text of Jeremiah from Ez 16:15, &c. Still more strange is it in the imperfect HiphÇiÖl yxim.T+,-la; Jer 18:23; but the MilÇeÒl-tone probably points to xm;T,ñas the correct reading ( cf. Neh 13:14 ). The y¤i stands for h¤' in the perfectHiphÇiÖl ylix/h†, he made sick, Is 53:10, which is probably for aylxh from alx, a secondary form of hlx; see rr, The plur. wysim.hi (Baer w>sim.hi) they made to melt, Jos 14:8, is a purely Aramaic form.

kk

18. In two verbs the rare conjugation PaÇleÒl or its reflexive ( § 55 d ) occurs: ywEx]j†;m. archers, Gn 21:16 ( from hx'j' ); but most frequently in hx'v' to bend, PaÇleÒl hw"x]v†; not in use, whence reflexive hw"x]T†;v.hi to bow oneself, to prostrate oneself, 2nd pers. in t'y¤iñ and Ist pers. in ytiy¤eñ, imperfect hw<x]T†;v.yI, consecutive 3rd sing. masc. WxT;ñv.YIw: for wayyisÛtahÌw ( analogous to the noun-forms, like Wxf'ñfor sahÌw ); 3rd plur. Wwx]T†;v.yI.— Instead of the aramaizing infinitive with suffix ytiy"*w"x]T†;v.hiB. 2 K 5:18 read with König ytiAwx]T†;v.hiB.; in Ez 8:16 ~t,ywIx]T†;v.mi is still more certainly a scribal error for ~ywIx]T†;v.mi.

ll

19. Before suffixes all forms ending in h, a connecting vowel is employed instead of the h and the connecting vowel which precedes it ( § 58 f ), e. g. ynIx;ñn"Gn 24:27; in pause ynIn"Ð['1 K 2:30, &c., even with lesser disjunctives, y Ps 118:5, Pr 8:22, or with a conjunctive accent, 1 S 28:15 ( but Baer ynIn:Ð[' ), Jb 30:19; cf. § 59 f; .ñn>[†' in pause %n"[', Is 30:19 ( and even when not in pause Jer 23:37 ) or like .n<Ðq' Dt 32:6; .B+,r>y:w>; .r>p.y:w> Gn 28:3; cf. also Whn"Ð['; ~n"[', imperfect WhnEÐ[]y);; .ñn>[;y);, HiphÇil ynIK;ñhi; .ñl.[,h†,; WhK'ñhi.

mm

Only very seldom does the imperat. or impf. end in y¤'e before suffixes, e. g. ~h,yaep.a; Dt 32:26; AmySeñk;y> y Ps 140:10 QereÖ; ynIyKeñh; smite me, 1 K 20:35, 37; cf. Hb 3:2, Is 38:16. Even in these examples a return to the original ending ay might be assumed; but perhaps they are merely due to a less correct plene writing. In the 3rd sing. perf. fem. the older form tl;G: ( see i ) is always used before a suffix, e.g. WTL;ñKi ( for Wht.L;Ki ) Zc 5:4; in pause ynIt.f+'[' Jb 33:4; .t.a†'r' 42:5.

VI. The Relation between Verbs h¾¾l and a¾¾l.

nn

20. The close relation existing between verbs a¾¾l and h¾¾l is shown in Hebrew by the fact that the verbs of one class often borrow forms from the other, especially in the later writers and the poets.

oo

21. Thus there are forms of verbs a¾¾l —
(a) Which have adopted the vowels of verbs h¾¾l, e. g. perfect Qal ytialiñK' I have refrained, y Ps 119:101; participle aj,Ax aj,xoÀ sinning, Ec 2:26, 8:12, 9:2, 18; fem. ac'yO Ec 10:5; cf. Is 65:20; ac,Am Ec 7:26; av,n lending, 1 S 22:2; PiÇeÒl perfect aL'mi he has filled, Jer 51:34; cf. 1 K 9:11, Am 4:2 ( where, however, the perfect Niph. is perhaps intended ), y Ps 89:11, 143:3; ytiaPiñrI I heal, 2 K 2:21; cf. Jer 51:9; imperfect aM,g:y> Jb 39:24; NiphÇal perfect ht'a;ñl.p.nI ( like ht'l.g>nI ) it was wonderful, 2 S 1:26; HiphÇiÖl perfect al'p.hi Dt 28:59; ht'a;ñB.x.h, ( not ht'a'ñ —, cf. above, 2 S 1:26 ) she hid, Jos 6:17. On the other hand, forms like ~yajixo 1 S 14:33, ~yarIqo y Ps 99:6, WaPr>nI Ez 47:8, ynIn:ÐWaKd;T., according to the correct reading, Jb 19:2 ( cf. Gn 31:39 hn"J,ñx;a] ), and Wary> imperative plur. masc. from arey" Jos 24:14, 1 S 12:24, y Ps 34:10, are due to the elision of the a, see § 74 i. On aWfN"yI Jer 10:5 and aWfn" y Ps 139:20, see § 23 i.

pp

(b) Forms in h, but keeping their a¾¾lvowels, e. g. imperfect Qal hP'r>a, Jer 3:22; imperative hp'r> heal thou, y Ps 60:4; NiphÇal hK'x.n< Jer 49:10 ( which must evidently be a perfect; read with Ewald the infinitive absolute hBox.n< as in verse 23 ), and hbex'he to hide onself, 1 K 22:25, cf. Jer 19:11; PiÇeÒl imperfect hLem;y> he will fill, Jb 8:21.

qq

(c) Forms entirely of a h¾¾l character, e.g. perfect Qal tmic'w> and when thou art athirst, Ru 2:9, cf. 2 S 3:8; WlK' they shut up, 1 S 6:10; cf. 25:33; Wlm' they are full, Ez 28:16, cf. 39:26; infinitive Ajx] ( see above, n ) to sin, Gn 20:6 ( on taolm. see above, § 74 h ); imperative sing. fem. ybix] Is 26:20; imperfect hl,k.yI ( for al'k.yI ) he will keep back, Gn 23:6; hn"yP,ñr>Ti they heal, Jb 5:18; participle hj,AB Pr 12:18; plur. h'yb,ñco Is 29:7; participle passive yWfn" y Ps 32:1; NiphÇal ht'P'ñr>nI Jer 51:9; t'yBeñnI thou hast prophesied, Jer 26:9 ( cf. y Ps 139:14, Jb 18:3 ); imperfect Wpr'Y)Ew: 2 K 2:22 ( infinitive Jer 19:11 ); piÇeÒl imperfect WPr;y>w: Jer 8:11, cf. Gn 31:39; HiphÇiÖl participlehn<q.m; Ez 8:3; HithpaÇel t'yBiñn:t.hi 1 S 10:6; infinitive tABnIt.hi 1 S 10:13. For the KethiÖbh twXhl 2 K 19:25, Jablonski and others require as QereÖ the form tAav.h;l. ( so Is 37:26 ); the KethiÖbh would have to be read tAvh.l;, with elision of the a and retraction of the vowel.

rr

22. On the other hand, there are forms of verbs h¾¾l, which wholly or in part follow the analogy of verbs a¾¾l, e. g. in their consonants at'a' he comes, Is 21:12; ar'B' 2 S 12:17 ( textus receptus hr'B' ); ytiaciñr'w> Ez 43:27; aG<f.yI Jb 8:11 (v.l.); an<v.yI La 4:1; al,x/Y),w: 2 Ch 16:12; hn"ar,ñq.Ti Ex 1:10, Lv 10:19; ~yailuT. Dt 28:66 ( cf. Ho 11:7 ); aroq.nI (infin. absol. NiphÇal beside ytiyreñqenI ) 2 S 1:6; aN"vi 2 K 25:29; aPer;m. Jer 38:4; aN<vuy> Ec 8:1: in their vowels, Wnt'ña' Jer 3:22; hr'q.yIDn 10:14; hl'k.Ti 1 K 17:14: in both, ar'q.yIGn 49:1; cf. 42:4, Is 51:19; ~Wal'T. 2 S 21:12 QereÖ aAryli 2 Ch 26:15 ( cf. ~yarwmh waryw 2 S 11:24 KethiÖbh ); ha'r>mo) ( participle fem. Qal ) Zp 3:1; ayrIp.y: Ho 13:15; ~yaiL'sum. La 4:2. —For twaorPo ( so Baer, Ez 17:6, cf. 31:8 ), which can only be intended for tAar>P†o participle fem. plur. from ar'P' = hr'P', read tAraoP branches, according to Ez 31:5, &c.

Footnotes:

1[1] According to Wellhausen, 'Ueber einige Arten schwacher Verba' in his Skizzen, vi. p. 255 ff., the h¾¾l verbs, apart from some true w¾¾l and some probable y¾¾l, are to be regarded as originally biliteral. To compensate for their arrested development they lengthened the vowel after the 2nd radical, as the w¾¾[ verbs did after the 1st radical. But although there is much to be said for this view, it fails to explain pausal forms like hy"s'ñx' (see u). It seems impossible that these should all be late formations.

2[2] In the MeÖsÁaÇ inscription, line 5, wn[yw and he oppressed occurs as 3rd sing, masc. imperfect PiÇeÒl, and in line 6, wn[a I will oppress as 1st sing.

3[1] In the Siloam inscription also (see above, § 2 d), line 3, tyh may be read ty"h' quite as well as [h]t'y>h†'.

4[2] All these infinitives construct in oÖ, in the Pentateuch, belong to the document called E; cf. § 69 m, second note.

5[1] In Nu 34:7 f., according to verse 10, WUa;t.Ti ( = WWa;t.Ti ) is intended to be read for Wat'T. (imperfect PiÇeÒl from ha'T' ).

6[1] Possibly these examples ( like the cases of SeghoÖl in pause, see n ) represent the view of a particular Masoretic school, which was intended to be consistently carried out.