§ 112. The Perfect with WaÒw Consecutive.

G. R. Berry, 'Waw consecutive with the perfect in Hebrew,' in Bibl. Lit., xxii. (1903), pp. 60–69.

a

1. The perfect, like the imperfect (§ 111), is used with waÒw consecutive (cf. § 49 a; on the external differentiation of the perfect consecutive by a change in the position of the tone, see § 49 h) to; express actions, events, or states, which are to be attached to what precedes, in a more or less close relation, as its temporal or logical consequence. And as, according to § 111 a, the narrative which begins with a perfect, or its equivalent, is continued in the imperfect consecutive, so, vice versa, the perfect consecutive forms the regular continuation to a preceding imperfect, or its equivalent.

b

Rem. 1. This alternation of perfect and imperfect or their equivalents is a striking peculiarity of the consecutio temporum in Hebrew. It not only affords a certain compensation for the lack of forms for tenses and moods, but also gives to Hebrew style the charm of an expressive variety, an action conceived as being still in progress (imperfect, &c.), reaching afterwards in the perfect a calm and settled conclusion, in order to be again exhibited in movement in the imperfect, and vice versa.1 The strict regularity of this alternation belongs indeed rather to the higher style, and even then it depends upon the view and intention of the speaker, whether he wishes the action, &c., to be regarded as the logical consequence of what has preceded, or as simply co-ordinate with it, and so in the same tense.

c

2. A succession of any number of other perfects consecutive may be co-ordinated with a perfect consecutive (cf. e.g. Ez 14:13, Am 5:19, Ru 3:3, four perfects in each case, Is 8:7 five, Ex 6:6 f. eight). It is true, however, of the perfect (as conversely of the imperfect, § 111 c), that as soon as the WaÒw is separated by any intervening word from the verb to which it belongs, an imperfect necessarily takes the place of the perfect, e.g. Gn 12:12 when the Egyptians shall see thee, they shall say ( Wrm.a†'w> ), This is his wife: and they will kill me ( ytiao Wnr>h†'w> ) but thee they will save alive( WYx;y> %t'aow> ).

d

2. The perfect consecutive, like the imperfect consecutive, always belongs to the period of time expressed by the preceding tense, or its equivalent, with which it is connected as the temporal or logical consequence. The particular cases may be classed under three heads: (a) the perfect consecutive in immediate dependence (see e), (b) in loose connexion (see x) with the preceding, and (c) the perfect consecutive at the beginning of the apodosis to other sentences, or their equivalents (see ññ).

e

3. The perfect consecutive in immediate dependence on the preceding tense, or its equivalent, serves

(a) As a frequentative tense to express past actions, &c., i.e. actions repeatedly brought to a conclusion in the past, and follows tenses, or their equivalents, representing actions which have continued or been repeated in the past:

(a) After a simple imperfect, e.g. Gn 2:6 hl,[]y); dae there went up a mist (again and again) from the earth, hq'v.hiw> and watered (as it were, and ever watered afresh), &c. This frequentative use of the perfect consecutive is equally evident after frequentative imperfects, Gn 2:10 ( hy"h'w> and it became again every time; yhiy>w: would mean, and it became so once for all); 29:2 f. (four perfects consecutive referring to actions repeated daily); Ex 33:711 xQ;yI he used to take at each new encampment the tent, hj'n"w> and to pitch it again every time without the camp; notice, amongst the numerous frequent. perff. consec., the imperf. in vv. 7, 8, 9, 11, always in a frequentative sense; 34:34 f., Nu 9:19. 21 (among several simple imperfects), 10:17, Ju 2:19, 1 S 2:19 hf,[]T†; she used to makeht'l.[;h†;w> and brought it to him from year to year; 27:9 ( xq;l'w> ), 1 K 14:28, 2 K 3:25, 12:15(in verses 16f. imperfects occur again). So also in dependent sentences, Gn 6:4 ( Wdl.y)'w> as a continuation of Waoby" ), Jb 31:29.2

f

(b) After an imperfect consecutive, e.g. Ex 39:3 (Samaritan wccqw ), 1 S 5:7 (? see § 112 rr), 7:16, 2 S 15:2. 5, 16:13 and he threw stones at him, rP;[iw> and cast dust continually; 12:16, 31, 2 K 6:10, 12:11 ff. 15, Jer 37:15, Jb 1:5.

g

Rem. The frequentative perfect consecutive is sometimes joined even with imperfects consecutive which simply express one single action or occurrence in the past; thus Ex 18:26, 40:31 f., 1 S 1:4, 2 S 15:1 f., 1 K 14:27 (cf. verse 28); 1 K 18:4, 2 K 12:10. For other examples of a loosely connected frequentative perfect consecutive, see below, dd.

h

(g) After a perfect, Gn 37:3 ( Al hf'['w>, i.e. as often as he needed a new garment)3; Gn 31:7, Nu 11:8, 1 S 16:14, 2 K 3:4, y Ps 22:6; 4 in interrogative sentences, 1 S 26:9 who has ever, &c.; y Ps 80:13, Jb 1:1. 4, Ru 4:7.

i

(d) After an infinitive, Am 1:11 Apr>r'-l[; because he did pursue his brother, txeviw> and (on each occasion) did cast off all pity (then an imperfect consecutive); after an infinitive absolute, Jos 6:13, 2 S 13:19, Jer 23:14.

k

(e) After a participle, Is 6:3 ( ar'q'w> ), &c., frequentative, as a continuation of ~ydIm.[)o, verse 2); 1 S 2:22, 2 S 17:17.5

l

(z) After other equivalents of tenses, e.g. Gn 47:22 the priests had a portion from Pharaoh, Wlk.a†'w> and did eat (year by year), &c.; 1 K 4:7.

m

(b) To express present actions, &c., as the temporal or logical consequence of actions or events which continue or are repeated in the present, especially such as have, according to experience, been at all times frequently repeated, and may be repeated at any time:

(a) After a simple imperfect, e.g. Gn 2:24 therefore a man leaves ( bzO[]y); is accustomed to leave) … qb;d'w> and cleaves, &c., here, as frequently elsewhere, clearly with the secondary idea of purpose, i.e. in order to cleave; Is 5:11 (if hy"h'w> is to be taken as a continuation of ~qeylid>y:  ); Is 28:28, Jer 12:3, Ho 4:3, 7:7, y Ps 90:6, Jb 14:9; also in dependent clauses, Lv 20:18, Is 29:8, 11f., Am 5:19.

n

(b) After a participle, as the equivalent of a sentence representing a contingent action, &c., e.g. Ex 21:12 tmew" vyai hKem;  (instead of hKem; there is in verse 20, &c. vyai hK,y: ykiw> ) if one smite a man and (so that) he die, &c., Ex 21:16, Is 29:15, Am 6:1, Hb 2:12.

o

(g) After an infinitive absolute, Jer 7:9f. will ye steal, murder, and commit adultery (simple infinitives absolute; cf. § 113 ee), ~t,ab'W and then come and stand before me … and say, &c.; cf. below, u.

p

(c) To express future actions, &c., as the temporal or logical consequence of tenses, or their equivalents, which announce or require such future actions or events. Thus —

(a) After imperfects in the sense of a simple future, e.g. Am 9:3f. ~yTix.q;l.W fPex;a] ~V'mi I will search and take them out thence, &c.; Gn 4:14, 40:13, Ex 7:3, 1 S 17:32, 2 K 5:11, Jb 8:6f. (also with a change of subject, Gn 27:12, Ju 6:16, &c.); and in interrogative sentences, Gn 39:9, Ex 2:7, 2 S 12:18, 2 K 14:10Am 8:8, y Ps 41:6; cf. also Ru 1:11; in sentences expressing a wish, 2 S 15:4; as well as in almost all kinds of dependent clauses. Also in conditional clauses after -~ai Gn 32:9, Ex 19:5, 1 S 1:11, or yKi Gn 37:26, or !he Jer 3:1; in final clauses after ![;m;ñl. Gn 12:13, Nu 15:40, Is 28:13; after rv,a] Dt 2:25, or -!P, Gn 3:22, 19:19, 32:12, Is 6:10, Am 5:6; in temporal clauses, Is 32:15, Jer 13:16; and in relative clauses, Gn 24:14, Ju 1:12, 1 S 17:26.

q

(b) After the jussive (or an imperfect in the sense of a jussive or optative) or cohortative, with the same or a different subject, e.g. Gn 1:14f. Wyh'w>troaom. yhiy> let there be lights … and let them be, &c.; Gn 24:4, 28:3, 31:44, 1 K 1:2, 22:13, Ru 2:7, 1 Ch 22:11; after a Jussive expressing an imprecation, y Ps 109:10.

r

(g) After an imperative, also with the same or a different subject, e.g. 2 S 7:5 T'r>m;a†'w> %le go and tell (that thou mayst tell), &c., and often, perf. consec. after %le (as also the perf. consec. of rm;a' and rB,DI very frequently follows other imperatives);. Gn 6:14, 8:17, 27:43 f., 1 S 15:3, 18, 1 K 2:26, Jer 48:26.

s

(d) After perfects which express a definite expectation or assurance (cf. § 106 m and n), e.g. Gn 17:20 Atao ytirep.hiw> Atao yTik.r;ñBe hNEhi behold, I have blessed him, and will make him fruitful, &c.; Is 2:11, 5:14; on Am 4:7 see above, note 3 on h; in an interrogative sentence, Ju 9:9, 11:13.

t

(e) After a participle, e.g. Gn 7:4 for yet seven days, ryjim.m; ykinOa†' and I will cause it to rain … ytiyxiñm'W and I will (i.e. in order to) destroy, &c.; Jer 21:9; also with a different subject, Gn 24:43f. the maiden which cometh forth ( taceYOh; ) …, h'yl,ñae yTir>m;a†'w> ) to whom I shall say …, hr'm.a†'w> and she (then) shall say, &c. This use of the perfect consecutive is especially frequent after a participle introduced by hNEhi, e.g. Gn 6:17f.; with a different subject 1 K 20:36, Am 6:14; after a complete noun-clause introduced by hNEhi (cf. § 140), Ex 3:13 behold, I come (i.e. if I shall come) … ~h,l' yTir>m;a†'w> and shall say unto them …, Wrm.a†'w> and they (then) shall, say, &c.; 1 S 14:8 ff., Is 7:14, 8:7f., 39:6.

u

(z) After an infinitive absolute, whether the infinitive absolute serves to strengthen the finite verb (see § 113 t), e.g. Is 31:5, or is used as an emphatic substitute for a cohortative or imperfect (§ 113 dd and ee), e.g. Lv 2:6, Dt 1:16, Is 5:5, Ez 23:46f.

v

(h) After an infinitive construct governed by a preposition (for this change from the infinitive construction to the finite verb, cf. § 114 r), e.g. 1 S 10:8 ^l. yTi[.d;Ah)w> ^yl,ñae yaiAB-d[; till I come unto thee (prop. until my coming) and show thee, &c.; Gn 18:25, 27:45, Ju 6:18, Ez 39:27; cf. 1 K 2:37, 42.

w

Rem. To the same class belong 1 S 14:24, where the idea of time precedes, until it be evening and until I be avenged, &c., and Is 5:8, where the idea of place precedes, in both cases governed by -d[;.

x

4. The very frequent use of the perfect consecutive in direct dependence upon other tenses (see above, d–v) explains how it finally obtained a kind of independent force—especially for the purpose of announcing future events—and might depend loosely on sentences to which it stood only in a wider sense in the relation of a temporal or logical consequence. Thus the perfect consecutive is used —

(a) To announce future events, &c., in loose connexion with a further announcement, e.g. Gn 41:30 Wmq'w> and two co-ordinate perfects consecutive, equivalent to but then shall arise, &c.; frequently so after hNEhi with a following substantive (1 S 9:8), or a participial clause (cf. the analogous instances above, under t), e.g. 1 S 2:31 behold, the days come, yTi[.d;g)'w> that I will cut off, &c.; Is 39:6, Am 4:2, 8:11, 9:13, and very often in Jeremiah; after an expression of time, Ex 17:4, Is 10:25, 29:17, Jer 51:33, Ho 1:4. Further, when joined to a statement concerning present or past facts, especially when these contain the reason for the action, &c., expressed in the perfect consecutive; cf. Is 6:7 lo, this hath touched thy lips, rs'w> therefore thine iniquity shalt be taken away, &c. (not copulative and it is taken away, since it is parallel with a simple imperfect), Gn 20:11, 26:22, Ju 13:3 (here in an adversative sense); Ho 8:14. In loose connexion with a noun-clause, a long succession of perfects consecutive occurs in Ex 6:6 ff. Also in Amos 5:26 ~t,af'n>W may be an announcement yea, ye shall take up; but cf. below, rr.

y

Rem. I. Very frequently the announcement of a future event is attached by means of hy"h'w>6 and it shall come to pass (cf. the analogous continuation in the past by means of yhiy>w:, § 111, 2), after which the event announced (sometimes after a long parenthesis) follows in one or more (co-ordinate) perfects consecutive, Gn 9:14, 12:12 ( yki hy"h'w> = if, as in 46:33, Ex 1:10, 22:26 and frequently), 1 K 18:12, Is 14:3 f., Am 8:9; or in the imperfect, Gn 4:14, Is 2:2, 3:24, 4:3, 7:18, 21 ff. (cf. 29:8); or in the jussive, Lv 14:9. It very rarely happens that the verb which is thus loosely added, agrees in gender and number with the following subject, as in Nu 5:27, Jer 42:16 ht'y>h†'w> (before br,x,ñh; ), and in Jer 42:17 Wyh.yIw> ( before ~yvin"a]h†'-lK' ).

z

2. The jussive form yhiywI occurs (in the sense described in y) instead of hy"h'w> in 1 S 10:5, 2 S 5:24 (1 Ch 14:15), 1 K 14:5, Ru 3:4, although in the first three places a jussive is wholly inadmissible in the context, and even in Ru 3:4 (where an admonition follows) hy"h'w> would be expected (see below, bb). In 1 K 14:5 the form is a textual error, and the pointing should simply be yhiy>w:. In the other passages yhyw (always before an infinitive with a preposition) stands at the beginning of the sentence at an unusually long distance from the principal tone, and hence is certainly to be explained according to § 109 k, except that in 1 S 10:5, &c., the simply rhythmical jussive form takes the place, not of the full imperfect form, but (exceptionally) of the perfect consecutive.

aa

(b) To introduce a command or wish: Dt 10:19 love ye therefore the stranger; 1 S 6:5, 24:16, 1 K 2:6 (in Gn 40:14 the precative perfect consecutive, as elsewhere the cohortative, jussive, and imperative, is strengthened by means of an" ). So, also, in loose connexion with participial and other noun-clauses (see above, x), Gn 45:12f., 1 K 2:2f., Ru 3:3f., 3:9.—In Gn 17:11 the perfect consecutive ( ~T,l.m;n>W and ye shall be circumcised, &c.) is used to explain a preceding command.

bb

Rem. As in the cases mentioned above under y, the connexion may be made by means of hy"h'w>. Thus with a following perfect consecutive, e.g. Gn 46:33, 47:24, Ju 4:20. Cf. also Gn 24:14, where the real wish, at least as regards the sense, is contained in the next sentence.

cc

(c) To introduce a question, whether in loose connexion with another interrogative sentence (see above, p), e.g. Gn 29:15 art thou my brother (equivalent to, Surely thou art), ynIT;ñd>b;[]w); and shouldest thou then serve me for naught ? or with a positive statement, e.g. Ex 5:5 ( ~T,B;v.hiw> will ye then make then rest ?); Nu 16:10, 1 S 25:11, and (if it is MileraÇ) y Ps 50:21 ( yTiv.r;x/h†,w> ).

dd

(d) To introduce actions frequently repeated (hence analogous to the numerous examples of a frequentative perfect consecutive, above, under e), e.g. 1 S 1:3 ( hl'['w> of annual festival journeys); 13:21 (where, however, the text appears radically corrupt); 27:9 ( hK'hiw>, i.e. every time, therefore continued by means of hY<x;y> aolw> ); 1 K 5:7 ( WlK.l.kiw>, parallel with a simple imperfect); 9:25, Jer 25:4, Ho 12:11, Dn 8:4.—In Jb 1:4f. a series of frequentative perfects consecutive is interrupted by an imperfect consecutive, while a simple imperfect (as the modus rei repetitae ) forms the conclusion. In Jer 6:17 a similar perfect is expressly marked, by placing the tone on the final syllable (according to § 49 h), as parallel with the real perfects consecutive.

ee

Rem. The loose connexion of tempora frequentativa by hy"h'w> (cf. the Rem. on y and bb) is also very common in this sense; thus with a following perfect consecutive, Gn 30:41f. (but in verse 42a, where the verb is separated from the WaÒw by an insertion, we find ~yfiy" aol he used not to put them in, according to § 107 e); Gn 38:9, Ex 17:11, 33:7 ff. (see above, e), Nu 21:9, Ju 6:3, 19:30, 1 S 16:23 (followed by five perfects consecutive); 2 S 15:5; with a following imperfect (as the modus rei repetitae), Ju 2:19, 2 S 14:26.—In Ju 12:5f. hyhw, contrary to what would be expected, is continued by means of the imperfect consecutive, and in 1 S 13:22 by aolw> with the perfect (instead of the imperfect).

ff

5. Further, the perfect consecutive is very frequently employed with a certain emphasis to introduce the apodosis after sentences (or their equivalents) which contain a condition, a reason, or a statement of time. Such an apodosis, as in the cases already treated, may represent either future events, or commands and wishes, or even events which have been often repeated in the past. Thus —

(a) The perfect consecutive occurs in the apodosis to conditional sentences7 (§ 159 g, o, s):

(a) After ~ai with the imperfect, e.g. 2 K 7:4b Wnt.m†'w" Wntuñymiy>-~ai if they kill us, (well then) we shall but die; here the perfect consecutive is used obviously with greater emphasis than the imperfect ( hy<x.nI ) which immediately precedes; Gn 18:26, 24:8, 41, 32:9, Nu 30:15, Ju 4:20, 1 S 1:11, 20:6, 1 K 3:14, Na 3:12, Ec 4:11.

gg

(b) After ~ai with the perfect (in the sense of a futurum exactum), Nu 5:27, 2 K 5:20, 7:4a, Is 4:4f.; as precative apodosis after an"-~ai with the perf. preteritum, Gn 33:10; as a frequentative perfect consecutive, to represent past events in the apodosis after ~ai with perfect, Gn 38:9, Nu 21:9, Ju 6:3, Jb 7:4; after ~ai with imperfect, Gn 31:8.

hh

(g) After yKi (in case, suppose that) with the imperfect, Gn 12:12, Ex 18:16, Ju 13:17, Is 58:7, Ez 14:13.8 Frequentative with reference to the past, after yKi with frequentative perfect, Ju 2:18, Jb 7:13f.

ii

(d) After rv,a] with the imperfect, Gn 44:9 tmew"ATai aceM'yI rv,a] with whomsoever … it be found, let him die; with the perfect, Ex 21:13, and if a man lie not in wait, & c.; Ju 1:12.

kk

(e) Very frequently after a perfect consecutive (one or more) containing the condition, e.g. Gn 44:29 ~T,d>r;Ah)w>hz<-ta,-~G: ~T,x.q;l.W and if ye take (or shall have taken) this one also … ye shall bring down, &c.; cf. Gn 33:13, 42:38, 44:4, 22, 47:30, Nu 30:12, Ru 2:9, and probably also Ez 39:28.—Also frequentative in reference to the past, e.g. 1 S 17:34f. … yrIa]h†' ab'W ytiac'òy"w> and when there came (as sometimes happened) a lion … I went out, & c.; Ex 33:10, Nu 10:17 ff.; 1 K 18:10, Jer 20:9 (the perfects consecutive being regularly continued in the apodosis by aolw> with an imperfect9).

ll

Rem. The perfect consecutive may be used also in the protasis to express a condition when the employment of the perfect consecutive in the apodosis has become impossible, owing to an emphatic word having to stand before it; thus in Ez 14:14 on account of hM'heñ; 33:4 on account of AmD'.—In 1 S 14:52 the imperfect consecutive, contrary to what might be expected, stands in the apodosis, and when Saul saw any … valiant man, he took him unto him, where Whpeñs.a;Y);w: suggests the special case, rather than a repeated occurrence; cf. 2 S 15:2. Conversely, in 1 S 2:16 ( rm,oaoYw: perhaps a mere mistake for rm;a'w> ), 17:35 b an imperfect consecutive stands in the protasis.

mm

(z) After various equivalents of sentences, which contain a condition; thus, after a substantive standing absolutely, or a participle (a casus pendens), Gn 17:14  ägw ht'r>k.nIw>rk'z" lre['w> and the uncircumcised male (in case such an one be found), he shall be cut off, &c.; cf. Gn 30:32, Ex 12:15, 2 S 14:10, Is 6:13, and (after an infinitive with a preposition) 2 S 7:14; in a wider sense also Ex 4:21, 9:19, 12:44, Is 9:4, 56:5.

nn

(b) The perfect consecutive serves as the apodosis to causal clauses; thus e.g. after yKi ![;y:ò with the perfect, Is 3:16f.; after rv,a] ![;y:ò with perfect, 1 K 20:28; after bq,[eñ with perfect, Nu 14:24; also after what are equivalent to causal clauses, e.g. y Ps 25:11 ( T'x.l;s†'w>^m.vi ![;m;ñl. for thy name's sakepardon …); Is 37:29 after ![;y:ò with an infinitive.

oo

(c) The perfect consccutive occurs as the apodosis to temporal clauses or their equivalents, e.g. 1 S 2:15 ab'Wbl,xeñh;-ta, !Wrjiq.y: ~r,j,ñB. !heKoh; r[;n:ò before they burnt the fat, the priest's servant came (used to come), &c., hence a frequentative perfect consecutive relating to the past, as in Ex 1:19; also after participial clauses (§ 116 w), e.g. 1 S 2:13f. ab'Wxb;z<ñ x;bezO vyai-lK' when(ever) any man offered sacrifice, then came, &c. (so Ju 19:30, 2 S 20:12), with a frequentative perfect consecutive. The perfect consecutive is very frequently used to announce future actions or events after simple expressions of time of any kind; thus Gn 3:5, Ex 32:34 (after ~AyB. with the infinitive), cf. also such examples as Gn 44:31, Ju 16:2, Jos 6:10, 1 S 1:22, 16:23 (numerous frequentative perfects consecutive after the infinitive with a preposition; so 2 S 15:5, see above, ee); 1 S 20:18, 2 S 14:26, 15:10; Is 18:5; moreover, Ex 17:4, Is 10:25, 29:17, 37:26; even after single disconnected words, e.g. Ex 16:6 br,[,ñ ~T,[.d;yw)i at even (when it becomes evening) then ye shall know; cf. verse 7, Lv 7:16, 1 K 13:31, Pr 24:27.

pp

6. Finally there still remains a number of passages which cannot be classed with any of those hitherto mentioned. Of these, some are due to the influence of Aramaic modes of expression, while in others the text is evidently corrupt.10 In a few instances we can do no more than merely call attention to the incorrectness of the expression. (We are not of course concerned here with the cases—usually occurring in dependent clauses—in which a second instance of the perfect is coordinated with what precedes by the use of WaÒw copulative, as in Gn 28:6, and probably Nu 21:15, Dt 33:2.)

(a) The influence of the Aramaic construction of the perfect with w> as the narrative tense, instead of the Hebrew imperfect consecutive (cf. Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., § 71 b), is certainly to be traced in Qoheleth, and sporadically in other very late books,11 perhaps also in a few passages in the books of Kings, which are open to the suspicion of being due to later interpolation; so probably 1 K 12:32 dIymi[/h†,w>; 2 K 11:1 Keth. htarw; 14:14 xq;l'w> (in the parallel passage, 2 Ch 25:24, the word is wanting); 2 K 23:4 af'n"w>, &c.; verse 10 aMejiw>, &c.; verse 12 %yliv.hiw>, &c.; verse 15 @r;f'w>, &c.12 Cf. also Ez 37:2, 7, 10.

qq

(b) The text is certainly corrupt in Is 40:6 (read with the LXX and Vulgate rm;a)ow" ); Jer 38:28, where the narrative breaks off in the middle of the sentence; 40:3 ( hy"h'w>, &c., wanting in the LXX); also in Ju 7:13 lh,aoh' lp;n"w> is altogether redundant; in 1 S 3:13 read, with Klostermann, the 2nd sing. masc. instead of ytdghw; in 1 K 21:12 Wbyviñhw> is, no doubt, incorrectly repeated from verse 9, where it is an imperative.

rr

Of other questionable instances, (a) the following, at any rate, may also be explained as frequentatives, Gn 21:25, 49:23. Ex 36:38, 38:28, 39:3, 1 S 5:7, 17:20, 24:11 (but even so Wrm.a†'w> would be expected); 2 K 23:12, Is 28:26 (parallel with an imperfect); Am 5:26 (unless it is rather, yea, ye shall take up; see above, x); y Ps 26:3, Ezr 8:36.

ss

(b) A longer or constant continuance in a past state is perhaps represented by the perfect with w> (as a variety of the frequentative perfect with w> ), in Gn 15:6, 34:5, Nu 21:20, Jos 9:12; 22:3b, Is 22:14, Jer 3:9. But the unusual perfects consec. in Jos 15:3–11, 16:2–8 (ultimately parallel with an imperf. as in 17:9, 18:20), 18:12–21, 19:11–14, 22, 26–29, 34, are without doubt rightly explained by Bennett (SBOT., Joshua, p. 23) as originally containing the directions either of God to Joshua or of Joshua to the people; cf. the evident trace of this in 15:4b. A redactor transformed the directions into a description but left the perfects consec., which are to be explained as in aa. In the same way Wyh'w> Ex 36:29 is most simply explained as repeated from 26:25.

tt

(g) The following are due to errors in the text, or to incorrect modes of expression: Ex 36:29 f., Ju 3:23, 13 16:18 (read Wl[]Y);w: ), 1 S 4:19 , 17:38, 2 S 16:5, 19:18 f. (read Wxl.c)' and Wrb.[;Y);w: ), 1 K 3:11 (where tlaXw ) is no doubt intentionally, assimilated to the four other perfects); 13:3, 20:21; 2 K 14:7 (where, with Stade, fp;T' [l;S,ñh;-ta,w> should be read); 14:14, 18:4 (where, at any rate, rB;viw> might be taken as a frequentative, but not trkw, &c.; evidently the perfects are co-ordinated only in form with rysihe aWh ); 18:36, 21:15, 24:14, Jer 37:15 (where WKhiw>, but not Wnt.n)'w>, might be frequentative); Ez 9:7 (omit Wac.y)'w> with Stade, and read WKh;w> ); 20:22 ( ytbXhw MilÇeÖl before an imperfect consecutive); Am 7:4 ( hl'k.a'w> after an imperfect consecutive); Jb 16:12 .

uu

Finally, in 1 S 1:12, 10:9, 17:48, 25:20, 2 S 6:16, 2 K 3:15, Jer 37:11 Am 7:2 yhiy>w: is to be read throughout instead of hy"h'w>, but in Gn 38:5 ayhiw> with the Lxx.

Footnotes:

1[2] It is difficult to give a proper explanation of this phenomenon (according to § 49 a, note, to be found only in the Canaanitish group of languages), when we have given up the theory of a special waÒw conversivum in the unscientific sense mentioned in § 49 b, note, at the end, and if we accept the fact that the perfect and imperfect consecutive cannot possibly be used in a way which contradicts their fundamental character as described in § § 106 and 107. In other words, even the perfect consecutive originally represents a finally completed action, &c., just as the imperfect consecutive represents an action which is only beginning, becoming or still continuing, and hence in any case incomplete. The simplest view is to suppose, that the use of the perfect consecutive originated from those cases, in which it had to express the conclusion (or final consequence) of an action which was continued (or repeated) in past time (see the examples above), and that this use was afterwards extended to other cases, in which it had to represent the temporal or logical consequence of actions, &c., still in progress, and thus in the end a regular interchange of the two tenses became recognized.

2[1] Also in Ez 44:12 (where Stade, ZAW. v. 293, would read Wtr>v†e and Wyh.Y)iw: ) the unusual tenses may have been intentionally chosen: because they continually ministered and so always became afresh

3[2] Driver, on this passage, rightly refers to 1 S 2:19.

4[3] Am 4:7 would also come under this head, if yTiñr>j;m.hiw> is really intended, and the statement refers to the past; yTi[.n:òm' might, however, also be a perfect expressing positive assurance (§ 106 m), and the passage would then come under s.

5[4] That hk'l.h†'w>, &c., are frequentatives (the maidservant used to go repeatedly and tell them) may be seen from Wkl.y)e (necessarily an imperfect, since it is separated from w> by ~he ) and Wlk.Wy); on the other hand in verse 18 ar>Y:w: and Wkl.Y)ew: of actions which happened only once.

6[1] On the various combinations with hy"h'w> see König's statistics in ZAW. xix. 272 ff.

7[1] In a number of the examples of this kind the protasis is already loosely connected by means of hyhw, and hence some of them had to be already mentioned above, under y, bb, ee.

8[2] In 1 S 24:19 a question appears to be expressed by the perfect consecutive, for if a man find his enemy, will he let him go well away ? Probably, however, with Klostermann, ymiW should be read for ykiw>.

9[1] In all these examples (not only in the frequentative perfects consecutive) the original idea of the perfect, which also underlies the perfect consecutive, comes out very distinctly. Gn 44:29 (see above) implies in the mind of the speaker, If it ever shall have come to this, that ye have taken this one also, then ye have thereby brought me down to Sheol.

10[1] Mayer Lambert, REJ. xxvi. 55, is probably right in pointing some of these forms as infin. abs. instead of perfects.

11[2] In the whole of Qoheleth the imperfect consecutive occurs only in 1:17 and 4:1, 7. Several of the perfects with w> can no doubt be explained as frequentatives, e.g. 1:13, 2:5, 9, 11, 13, 15, 5:18, compared with 6:2; but this is impossible in such passages as 9:14 ff. In Ezra, Driver reckons only six examples of the historical perfect with w>, in Nehemiah only six, and in Esther six or seven.

12[3] Stade in ZAW. v. 291 ff. and in Ausgewählte akad. Reden, Giessen, 1899, p. 194 ff. and appendix p. 199, discusses, in connexion with 2 K 12:12, a number of critically questionable perfects with w>. He considers that the whole section, 2 K 23:4 from af'n"w> to verse 5 inclusive, is to be regarded as a gloss, since the continuation of an imperfect consecutive by means of a perfect with w> never occurs in pre-exilic documents, except in places where it is due to corruption of the original text. The theory of frequentative perfects consecutive (even immediately after imperfects consecutive), which has been supported above, under f and g, by a large number of examples, is quite inconsistent with the character of the action in 2 K 23:5 tyBiv.hiw>, verse 8 #t;n"w>, and verse 14 rB;viw>.

13[1] Or does l[nw, as a frequentative, imply fastening with several bolts? It is, at all events, to be noticed, that in 2 S 13:18 also l[nw follows an imperfect consecutive.