§ 116. The Participles.

Cf. Sellin (see above at the head of § 113), p. 6 ff., and Kahan, p. 11 ff.

a

1. Like the two infinitives, the participles also occupy a middle place between the noun and the verb. In form they are simple nouns, and most nearly related to the adjective; consequently they cannot in themselves be employed to represent definite relations of tense or mood. On the other hand, their verbal character is shown by their not representing, like the adjectives, a fixed and permanent quality (or state), but one which is in some way connected with an action or activity. The participle active indicates a person or thing conceived as being in the continual uninterrupted exercise of an activity. The participle passive, on the other hand, indicates the person or thing in a state which has been brought about by external actions.

b

Rem. That the language was fully conscious of the difference between a state implying action (or effected by external action) and mere passivity, is seen from the fact, that participles proper cannot be formed from the purely stative Qal, but only verbal adjectives of the form qaÒtÌeÒl (aleom'àdbeK', &c.) or qaÒtÌoÒl (H;boG", &c.), whereas the transitive Qal anEf' to hate, although it coincides in form with the intransitive Qal (as a verb middle e), nevertheless forms a participle active anEf, and participle passive aWnf' (cf. the feminine ha'Wnf.).—In cases where the participle proper and the verbal adjective both occur, they are by no means synonymous. When the Assyrians are called in Is 28:11 hp'f' ygE[]l†; men of stammering lips, a character is ascribed to them which is inseparably connected with their personality. On the other hand yli g[el{ hL{Ku Jer 20:7, describes those about the prophet as continually engaged in casting ridicule upon him. Cf. also y Ps 9:18 (yxekev.) with 50:22 (yxek.vo†).

c

On the difference between the participle as expressing simple duration and the imperfect as expressing progressive duration, cf. what has been stated above in § 107 d. Nevertheless the participle is sometimes used—especially in the later books, cf. e. g. Neh 6:17, 2 Ch 17:11—where we should expect the action to be divided up into its several parts, and consequently should expect the finite verb. But the substitution of the participle for the tempus historicum, which becomes customary in Aramaic (cf. Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., § 76. 2, d and e), is nevtortheless quite foreign to Hebrew.

d

2. The period of time indicated by (a) a participle active, either as an attribute or predicate, must be inferred from the particular context. Thus tme may mean either moriens (Zc 11:9), or mortuus (so commonly; with the article tMeh; regularly = the dead man), or moriturus (Dt 4:22); aB' comming, come Gn 18:11, &c., venturus 1 S 2:31, &c.; lpenO falling, but also fallen, Ju 3:25, 1 S 5:3, and ready to fall (threatening ruin, Is 30:13, Am 9:11). For other examples of perfect participles see Gn 27:33, 43:18 (bV'h; that was returned; cf. Ezr 6:21, &c., ~ybiV'h; which were come again from the captivity); Gn 35:3, Ex 11:5, Zc 12:1, y Ps 137:7, Pr 8:9, Jb 12:4 (areqo), and see m below. For future participles see Gn 41:25, 1 K 18:9, Is 5:5, Jon 1:3, &c., probably also y%eq.l{† Gn 19:l4. On the futurum instans (esp. after hNEhi) see p below.

e

(b) Of the passive participles, that of Qal (e. g. bWtK' scriptus) always corresponds to a Latin or Greek perfect participle passive, those of the other conjugations, especially NiphÇal, sometimes to a Latin gerundive (or to an adjective in -bilis), e. g. ar'An metuendus to be feared, y Ps 76:8, &c.; dm'x.n< desiderandus (desiderabilis) Gn 3:6, y Ps 19:11, &c.; ar'b.nI creandus y Ps 102:19; dl'An, usually natus, but also (like dL'WYh; Ju 13:8) procreandus, nasciturus 1 K 13:2, y Ps 22:32; #r'[]n); terribilis y Ps 89:8; b['t.nI abominable Jb 15:16; bv'x.n< aestimandus Is 2:22; tl,k,ña/N),h; that may be eaten (an animal) Lv 11:47. In PuÇal lL'hum. laudandus, worthy to be praised y Ps 18:4. In HophÇal, 2 S 20:21 %l'v.mu; 2 K 11:2 ~ytim'WM)h;; Is 12:5 QereÖ t[;d;ñWm.1

f

3. The participles active, in virtue of their partly verbal character, possess the power of governing like verbs, and consequently, when used in the absolute state, may take after them an object either in the accusative, or with the preposition with which the verb in question is elsewhere usually construed, e. g. 1 S 18:29 dwID'-ta, byEao hating David; Gn 42:29; with the suffix of the accusative, e. g. ynIveoñ[ that made me Jb 31:15; Wnaeñro ymi who seeth us ?, Is 29:15 (in Is 47:10 ynIa'ñro is abnormal); ~dero ruling them y Ps 68:28, sometimes also with the article, e. g. y Ps 18:33 ynIreñz>a;m.h†; that girdeth me (LXX o` krataiw/n me); Dt 8:14–16, 13:6, 11, 20:1, 2 S 1:24, Is 9:12 (where, however, Cheyne omits the article), 63:11, y Ps 81:11, 103:4, Dn 11:16; followed by a preposition, e. g. 1 K 9:23 ~['B' ~ydIroh†' which bare rule over the people; 2 K 20:5 %l' apero ynIn>h†i behold, I will heal thee.2

By an exhaustive examination of the statistics, Sellin (see the title at the head of § 113), p. 40 ff., shows that the participle when construed as a verb expresses a single and comparatively transitory act, or relates to particular cases, historical facts, and the like, while the participle construed as a noun (see g) indicates repeated, enduring, or commonly occurring acts, occupations, and thoughts.

So also the verbal adjectives of the form qaÒtÌeÒl may take an accusative of the person or thing, if the finite verb from which they are derived governs an accusative, e. g. Dt 34:9 hm'k.x' x;Wr alem' full of the spirit of wisdom; y Ps 5:5 [v;r,ñ #pex' that hath pleasure in wickedness.

g

As a sort of noun the participle may, however, also exercise the same government as a noun, being in the construct state, and followed by the object of the action in the genitive (see § 89 a; and cf. § 128 x), e. g. y Ps 5:12 ^m,ñv. ybeh]a†o that love thy name; cf. y Ps 19:8 f.; also when a verbal adjective, e. g. Gn 22:12 and often ~yhil{a/ arey> one fearing God; Hb 2:15; with an infinitive, y Ps 127:2; with a noun-suffix (which, according to § 33 c, also represents a genitive), e. g. Gn 4:14 yaic.m)o-lK' whosoever findeth me (prop. my finder; cf. yvio[ my maker); 12:3 ^yk,ñr]b†'m. that bless thee, ^l.L,q;m. that curseth thee (but read either ^yl,ñl.q;m., or ^k.r,b†im. in the preceding clause); 27:29, 1 S 2:30, Is 63:13, y Ps 18:49. In Jer 33:22 read ytiao ~ytir>v†'m..3

h

Rem. To the class of objective genitives belong also specifications of place after the participles aB' iniens and aceyO egrediens, since the verbs aAB and ac'y", in the sense of ingredi, egredi, can be directly connected with an accusative; e. g. Gn 23:10, 18 Ary[i r[;v;ñ yaeB' that went in at the gate of his city; La 1:4; after yaec.y(o Gn 9:10, 34:24, 46:26, &c.—In poetic language the participle in the construct state may be connected not only with a genitive of the object, but also with any other specifications (especially of space) which otherwise can only be made to depend on the verb in question by means of a preposition; cf. Is 38:18, and frequently, rAb-yder>Ay( they that go down into the pit (the grave); y Ps 88:6 rb,q,ñ ybek.v)o that lie in the grave; Dt 32:24 (Mi 7:17); 1 K 2:7, 2 K 11:5, 7, 9 those that came in (or went out) on the sabbath, Pr 2:7, 1 Ch 5:18, &c.; instead of the construction with -!mi, e. g. Is 59:20 (those who turnfrom transgression), Mi 2:8 (cf. § 72 p).

i

These genitives of nearer definition appear also in the form of a noun-suffix, e. g. y Ps 18:40, 49 ym;q' (for yl;[' ~ymiq') that rise up against me; cf. Ex 15:7, Dt 33:11, y Ps 44:6, Ex 32:25, Is 1:27 h'yb,ñv' her converts; y Ps 53:6 (%n"xo); Pr 2:19 h'ya,ñB'-lK' all that go unto her; the construction is especially bold in Is 29:7 Ht'd'c)om.W h'yb,ñco-lK' all that fight against her and her stronghold (for  äm-l[;w> h'yl,ñ[' ~yaib.C)oh;-lK'); y Ps 102:9 even with a participle PoÇal, yl;l'Ah)m. they that are mad against me (?), but read perhaps with Olshausen yl;l.Ax)m. who pierce me.—In Is 1:30 as a terebinth h'l,ñ[' tL,b,ñnO fading as regards its leaf, it remains doubtful whether tl,b,ñnO) is in the absolute state, and consequently h'l,ñ[' in the accusative, or whether it is to be regarded as construct state, and h'l,ñ[' as the genitive. In the latter case it would be analogous to Pr 14:2 (see k).

k

4. The passive participles also may either be in the absolute state, and take the determining word in the accusative,4 or may be connected with it in the construct state, e. g. Ju 18:11, 1 S 2:18, Ez 9:2 ~yDIB; vWbl' clothed in linen, cf. verse 3 ~yDIB;h; vbuL'h;; (even with a suffix ATn>T'Ku [;Wrq' rent as regards his coat 2 S 15:32; with the participle following Ju 1:7); but Ez 9:11 ~yDIB;h; vWbl. the one clothed with linen; 2 S 13:31 ~ydIg"b. y[eruq. rent in respect of clothes, equivalent to with their clothes rent (cf. Jer 41:5); Nu 24:4, Dt 25:10, Is 3:3, 33:24, Jo 1:8, y Ps 32:1 ([v;P,ñ-yWfn> forgiven in respect of transgression, ha'j'x] yWsK. covered in respect of sin); with a suffix to the noun, Pr 14:2 wyk'r'D> zAlN> he that is perverse in his ways.

l

Rem. The passive participle occurs in the construct state before a genitive of the cause, e. g. in Is 1:7 vae tApruf. burnt with fire; cf. Gn 41:6, Ex 28:11, Dt 32:24; before a genitive denoting the author, e. g. Gn 24:31 hA'hy> %WrB. blessed of the Lord (but y Ps 115:15 hA'hyl; ~ykiWrB., see § 121 f); cf. Is 53:4, y Ps 22:7, Jb 14:1 (15:14, 25:4); hence also with noun-suffixes (which are accordingly genitive) Pr 9:18 h'ya,ñruq. her invited ones, i. e. those invited by her; cf. 7:26, y Ps 37:22.

m

5. The use of the participle as predicate is very frequent in noun-clauses (which, according to § 140 e, describe established facts and states), in which the period of time intended by the description must again (see above, d) be inferred from the context. Thus:

n

(a) As present, in speaking of truths which hold good at all times, e. g. Ec 1:4 aB' rAdw> %leho rAD one generation goeth, and another generation cometh; and the earth abideth (td,m'ñ[o) for ever; cf. verse 7; also to represent incidental (continuous) occurrences which are just happening, Gn 3:5, 16:8 (I am fleeing); 32:12, Ex 9:17, 1 S 16:15, 23:1, 2 K 7:9, Is 1:7; when the subject is introduced by the emphatic demonstrative hNEhi behold ! (§ 100 o and § 105 b), e. g. Gn 16:11 hr'h' %N"hi behold, thou art with child, &c.; 27:42; frequently also in circumstantial clauses (connected by WaÒw), cf. § 141 e, e. g. Gn 15:2, &c.

o

(b) To represent past actions or states, sometimes in independent noun-clauses, e. g. Ex 20:18 tl{AQh;-ta, ~yairo ~['h'-lk'w> and all the people saw the thunderings, &c.; 1 K 1:5; in negative statements, e. g. Gn 39:23 a; sometimes in relative clauses, e. g. Gn 39:23 b, Dt 3:2 (cf. also the frequent combination of the participle with the article as the equivalent of a relative clause, e. g. Gn 32:10 rmeaoh†' which saidst; 12:7, 16:13, 35:1, 3, 36:35, 48:16, 2 S 15:31, &c.); sometimes again (see n) in circumstantial clauses, especially those representing actions or states which occurred simultaneously with other past actions, &c., e. g. Gn 19:1 and the two angels came to Sodom bvey jAlw> and (i. e. while) Lot sat, &c.; 18:1, 8, 16, 22, 25:26, Ju 13:9, 2 Ch 22:9; also with the subject introduced by hNEhi 37:7, 41:17. (On %leho with a following adjective or participle to express an action constantly or occasionally recurring, cf. § 113 u.)

p

(c) To announce future actions or events, e. g. 1 K 2:2, 2 K 4:16 at this season when the time cometh round, !Be tq,b,ñxo T.a; thou shalt embrace a son; so after a specification of time, Gn 7:4, 15:14, 17:19, 19:13, Hag 2:6 (but in Is 23:15, where, after hy"h'w> we should rather expect a perfect consecutive, it is better to explain tx;K;ñv.nIw>, with QimhÌi, as the 3rd sing. fem. of the perfect; on the form, cf. § 44 f); or in relative clauses, Gn 41:25, Is 5:5 what I am doing, i. e. am in the act of doing; in a deliberative question, Gn 37:30; but especially often when the subject is introduced by hNEhi (especially also if the subject be attached as a suffix to hNEhi as ynIn>hià^N>hi, &c.), if it is intended to announce the event as imminent, or at least near at hand (and sure to happen), when it is called futurum instans, e. g. Gn 6:17, 15:3, 20:3, 24:13 f., 48:21, 50:5, Ex 3:13, 8:25, 9:3, 34:10, Jos 2:18, Ju 7:17, 9:33, 1 S 3:11, 2 K 7:2, Is 3:1, 7:14, 17:1, Jer 30:10, Zc 2:13, 3:8; with a participle passive, 2 S 20:21: cf. also § 112 t.

q

Rem. 1. As the above examples show, a noun-clause with a participle as predicate may have for its subject either a substantive or a personal pronoun; in both cases the participle, especially if there be a certain emphasis upon it, may precede the subject. Also in noun-clauses introduced by hNEhi the subject may be either a substantive, or (e. g. Gn 37:7) a separate personal pronoun, or a suffix attached to hNEhi. In the same way, the subject may also be introduced by vyE (est, see the Lexicon) with a suffix, and in negative sentences by !yae (non est) with a suffix, e. g. Ju 6:36 [;yviAm ^v.y<-~ai if thou wilt save; Gn 43:5 x;Lev;m. ^n>ya†e-~ai if thou wilt not send; 1 S 19:11.—In such cases as Is 14:27 hy"WjN>h; Ady" the stretched out hand is his, hy"WjN>h; is not, like hy"Wjn> in 9:11, 16, &c., the predicate (in which case the participle could not take the article), but the subject; cf. Gn 2:11, 45:12, Is 66:9, Ez 20:29, Zc 7:6 (cf. § 126 k), where the participle with the article likewise refers to the present, also Nu 7:2, Dt 3:21, 4:3, &c., 1 S 4:16. where it refers to the past. In 1 K 12:8 and 21:11 even in relative clauses after rv,a].

r

2. To give express emphasis to an action continuing in the past, the perfect hy"h' in the corresponding person is sometimes added to the participle, and similarly the imperfect hy<h.y)i (or the jussive yhiy>, or the imperfect consecutive) is used to emphasize an action continuing in the future, e. g. Jb 1:14 Wyh' rq'B'h; tAvr>x)o the oxen (cows) were plowing; Gn 37:2, 39:22, Ex 3:1, Dt 9:24, Ju 1:7, 1 S 2:11, 2 S 3:6; the same occurs with a passive participle, e. g. Jos 5:5, Zc 3:3; hy<h.y)i with a participle is found e. g. in Is 2:2; the jussive in Gn 1:6, y Ps 109:12; 5 and yhyw with a participle in Ju 16:21, Neh 1:4.

s

3. The personal pronoun which would be expected as the subject of a participial clause is frequently omitted, or at least (as elsewhere in noun-clauses, cf. Is 26:3, y Ps 16:8, Jb 9:32) the pronoun of the 3rd pers. aWh, e. g. Gn 24:30, 37:15, 38:24, 41:1, 1 S 10:11, 15:12, Is 29:8 (the participle always after hNEhi); cf., moreover, Gn 32:7, Dt 33:3, 1 S 17:25, 20:1, Is 33:5, 40:19, y Ps 22:29, 33:5, 55:20, Jb 12:17, 19 ff., 25:2, 26:7.—ayhi is omitted in Lv 18:28; hM'heñ in Is 32:12, Ez 8:12, Neh 9:3; in a relative clause, Gn 39:22, Is 24:2.—The personal pronoun of the 2nd pers. masc. (hT'a;) is omitted in Hb 2:10; the 2nd fem. (T.a;) in Gn 20:16 (where, however, for the participle tx;k;ñnOw> the 2nd fem. perf. T.x;k;ñnOw> is to be read); the pronoun of the 1st sing. in Hb 1:5 (?), Zc 9:12, Mal 2:16; the 2nd plur. (~T,a;) 1 S 2:24 (if the text be right), 6:3, Ez 13:7 (?). But these passages are all more or less doubtful.

t

Of a different kind are the cases in which some undefined subject is to be supplied with the participle; e. g. Is 21:11 areqo yl;ae there is one calling unto me (= one calleth; § 144 d); cf. Is 30:24, 33:4.—So with participles in the plur., e. g. Ex 5:16 (~yrIm.a)o sc. the taskmasters); Jer 38:23 (in 33:5 the text is corrupt), Ez 13:7 (?), 36:13, 37:11 (equivalent to sunt qui dicant).

u

4. We must mention as a special class those noun-clauses which occur at the beginning of a period, and are intended to lay stress upon the fact that the first action still continues on the occurrence of the second (always introduced by w>); e. g. Jb 1:16 f. ab' hw<w> rBed;m. hw< dA[ he was yet speaking, and (= when) another came, &c.6; cf. Gn 29:9, 1 S 9:11, 27, 20:36, 1 K 14:17 she was entering the threshold of the house, when the child died; 2 K 2:23, 4:5, Dn 9:20 f.; also in Ju 19:22, 1 S 9:14, 17:23, 1 K 1:42, Jb 1:18 f., in all which passages the apodosis is introduced by hNEhiw>.—On the other hand, in 1 K 1:14 the noun-clause itself is introduced by hNEhi (as in verse 22 by hNEhiw>), and denotes an action only just impending.7 Finally, when the whole sentence is introduced by means of yhiy>w: (cf. § 111 g), and the apodosis by hNEhiw>, Gn 42:35, 2 K 2:11, 13:21; without hNEhi in the apodosis, 1 S 7:10, 2 K 19:37 (Is 37:38).

v

Participles active, which are used in the sense of the perfect participle, and also participles passive, in accordance with their meaning, express in such noun-clauses a state still continuing on the occurrence of the principal action, e. g. Gn 38:25 hx'l.v†' ayhiw> taceWm awhi she was being brought forth, when she sent, &c.; cf. Gn 50:24. [See further in Driver, Tenses, §§ 166–169).]

w

5. Different from the examples treated in u and v are the instances in which a participle (either alone or as the attribute of a noun) stands at the beginning of the sentence as a casus pendens (or as the subject of a compound noun-clause, see § 143 c) to indicate a condition, the contingent occurrence of which involves a further consequence; e. g. Gn 9:6 AmD' ~d'a'B†' ~d'a'h†' ~D; %pevo %peV'yI shedding man's blood, i. e. if any one sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed; Ex 21:12, y Ps 75:4, Pr 17:14, Jb 41:18; so especially if -lK' every precedes the participle, Gn 4:15, 1 S 3:11 (2 K 21:12), 2 S 5:8 (whosoever smiteth), 1 Ch 11:6. The apodosis is very often introduced by w> (waÒw apodosis), e. g. Ex 12:15 (with a following perfect consecutive), Nu 35:30; 1 S 2:13 x;bezO vyai-lK' !heKoh; r[;n:ò ab'W hb;z<ò when any man offered sacrifice, the priest's servant came, &c.; 2 S 14:10 (participle with article); 22:41 (where, however, the text is to be emended in accordance with y Ps 18:41); 2 S 23:3 f., Pr 23:24 Keth.; 29:9.—As in the instances discussed under u, such sentences are sometimes preceded by yhiy>w:, cf. 1 S 10:11, 11:11, 2 S 2:23 aB'h;-lK' yhiy>w: and it came to pass, that as many as came, &c. [or by hy"h'w>, frequentative, Ju 19:30].—On the other hand, tr,B,ñv.NIh;w> Dn 8:22 is a mere catchword (equivalent to and as for that which was broken) to call to mind the contents of verse 8.
6. On the use of the participle after the infinitive absolute %Alh' cf. § 113 u.

x

7. Almost as a rule the participial construction beginning a sentence (like the infinitival constructions according to § 114 r) is continued by means of a finite verb with or without w>, before which the English construction requires us to supply the relative pronoun implied in the participle; thus, continued by means of a perfect, Is 14:17 sr+'h' wyr'['w> rB'd>MiB; lbeTe ~f' that made the world as a wilderness, and overthrew the cities thereof8; 43:7, Ez 22:3, y Ps 136:13 ff., Pr 2:17; by a perfect without WaÒw, Gn 49:11; by a simple imperfect (as the modus rei repetitae in the present), Is 5:23, 46:6, Pr 7:8, Jb 12:17, 19 ff., 24:21; by an imperect without WaÒw, e. g. 1 S 2:8, Is 5:8, Pr 2:14, 19:26; by an imperfect consecutive, Gn 27:33, 35:3, 1 S 2:6, Jer 13:10 (after several participles), y Ps 18:33, 136:10 f.

Footnotes:

1[1] Such examples as ar'Anàdm'x.n<àlL'hum. show plainly the origin of this gerundive use of the participle passive. A person or thing feared, desired, or praised at all times is shown thereby to be terrible, desirable, or praiseworthy, and therefore also to be feared, &c.

2[2] On the other hand, in Is. 11:9 as the waters ~ySik;m. ~Y"l; covering the sea, the l serves only to introduce the object preceding the participle [cf. the Arabic parallels cited by Driver, Tenses, § 135, 7 Obs.]. Cf. Hab 2:14.

3[1] When, as in Jb 40:19, the participle with the noun-suffix Avo[h†' he that made him, also has the article (cf. § 127 i), the anomaly is difficult to understand, since a word determined by a genitive does not admit of being determined by the article.—No less remarkable is the use of the constr. st. of the participle before the accusative in Jer 33:22 ytiao yter>v†'m. that minister unto me (for which there is yt;r>v†'m. in verse 21). In Am 4:13 an accusative of the product follows the genitive of the object, hp'y[e rx;v; hveo[ maker of the morning into darknesss. In Jer 2:17 %keliAm) t[eB. is supposed to mean at the time when he led thee; perhaps the perfect ( älAh) should be read as in 6:15. In Ez 27:34, the ancient versions read T.r>B;v.nI (h) T'[; now thou art broken, instead of the difficult tr,B,ñv.nI t[e. In 1 K 20:40 read hv,o[ before hN"heñw" hN"heñ.

4[2] On the proper force of this accusative when retained in the passive construction cf. below, § 117 cc, &c., and § 121 c, d. So also Neh 4:12 is to be understood, and the builders were wyn"t.m'-[; ~yrIWsa] ABr>x; vyai girded erery one with his sword on his side, and building.

5[1] A jussive is practically to be supplied also in the formulae of blessing and cursing, %WrB' blessed beGn 9:26, &c.; rWra' cursed art thou3:14, &c.

6[1] The independent noun-clause here lays stress upon the simultaneous occurrence (and consequently the overlapping) of the events far more forcibly than could be done by a subordinate expression of time (as e. g. ArB.d;b. yhiy>w:). In English it may be represented by scarcely had he finished speaking when. … As the above examples show, the apodosis also frequently consists of a noun-clause.

7[2] At the same time the preceding dA[ still shows that what is announced is not merely a future event, but a future event contemporaneous with something else; the case thus entirely differs from the examples given in § 112 t, where hNEhi refers to the following participle, while here it belongs properly to the apodosis, before which it is therefore generally placed; see the examples.

8[1] On the parallelism between the external and internal members, which appears here and in many other examples of this kind, see the note on § 114 r.