§ 118. The Looser Subordination of the Accusative to the Verb.

b

Rem. That the cases thus loosely subordinated to the verb are to be regarded as accusatives is seen first from the fact that in certain instances the nota accusativi (ta) is prefixed; secondly from the fact that in one form of the casus loci a termination (h¤') is employed, in which (according to § 90 c) the old accusatival ending is preserved; and finally from the consistency with which classical Arabic puts these nearer definitions in the accusative (which may be recognized by its form) even under circumstances in which one would be rather inclined to expect a nominative in apposition.

e

Instead of the simple accusative, the locative (see above, § 90 c)² is frequently found in the cases mentioned under f (sometimes also in those under g) or the preposition -la,,³ especially before persons as the aim of the movement, or B., usually, to express being at a place.

f

Examples of (a): hd,F'h; acenE let us go out into the field, 1 S 20:11; cf. Gn 27:3, 31:4, Jb 29:7; vyvir>T; tk,l,ñl' to go to Tarshish, 2 Ch 20:36; cf. Gn 10:11, 13:9, 24:27, 26:23, 31:21, Ex 4:9, 17:10, Ju 1:26, 2 K 11:19, Na 1:8 (?), y Ps 134:2; with xq;l' Nu 23:14; with !t;n" Jos 6:24; with the accus. loci emphatically preceding (cf. Driver on 1 S 5:8), 1 K 2:26, Is 23:12, Jer 2:10, 20:6, 32:5; with aAB (in the sense of aggredi, equivalent to aAB -l[;, cf. § 117 a, note 2) the personal aim also is poetically added in the accusative, Ez 32:11, 38:11, Pr 10:24, 28:22, Jb 15:21, 20:22; but in the last passage it is better taken as an accusative of the object (cf. the German einen ankommen, überkommen). See also Nu 10:36 (where bWv can hardly be transitive); Ju 11:29, 1 S 13:20 (where, however, -la, has probably fallen out after larXy; so Strack).—Finally, cf. also the use of rv,a] for hM'v'ñ … rv,a] whither, Nu 13:27.—The accus. loci occurs after a passive, e. g. Gn 12:15.

g

Examples of (b): Gn 38:11 remain a widow %ybia' tyBe in thy father's house; cf. Gn 24:23, 1 S 17:15, 2 S 2:32, Is 3:6, Hos 12:5, Mi 6:10, 2 Ch 33:20; lh,aoñh' xt;P,ñ in the tent door, Gn 18:1, 10, 19:11, and frequently. As observed by Driver on 1 S 2:29, accusatives of this kind are almost without exception (but cf. 1 K 8:32, Is 16:2, 28:7, 2 Ch 33:20) connected with a noun in the genitive. In all the above examples, however, the accusative may have been preferred to the natural construction with B. (which is not rare even with tyBe and xt;p,ñ) for euphonic reasons, in order to avoid the combination of such sounds as äbB. and äpB.; cf., moreover, Gn 2:14, 4:16, Ex 18:5, Lv 6:8 (x;Bew>Mih; instead of the usual hx'Beñw>Mih; Ex 29:13, &c.); Dt 1:2, 19, ⁴ 2 S 17:26, 1 K 7:8, Pr 8:3, 9:14. On Is 1:30 see § 116 i; on bv;Y", with the accus. loci, see § 117 bb. On the other hand, in Dt 6:3, according the LXX, a verb of giving has dropped out before #r,a,ñ.

h

Examples of (c): Gn 7:20 fifteen cubits upward did the waters prevail; Gn 31:23, 41:40 &'M,ñmi lD;g>a, aSeKih; qr; only in the throne will I be greater than thou; Dt 1:19 we went (through) all that great and terrible wilderness; cf. Jb 29:3. Of the same kind also are such cases as Ex 16:16 (according to the number of your persons, for which elsewhere -rP;s.mil. is used); 1 S 6:4 (with the accus. preceding); 6:18, 2 S 21:20, Jb 1:5.—A statement of weight is put in the accusative in 2 S 14:26.

n

(a) Adjectives expressing state, placed after the verb to describe more accurately some bodily or other external condition, e. g. Is 20:2 walking @xey"w> ~Ar[' naked and barefoot; cf. verse 3, 8:21, Gn 15:2, 33:18 (~lev'), Ju 8:4, Mi 1:8, y Ps 107:5 (but in 15:2 ~ymiT' is rather a substantive directly dependent on %leAh = he that walketh in uprightness; cf. § 117 r, note). After an accusative, e. g. Dt 15:18; to specify some mental state, e. g. Gn 37:35 (lbea').—Before the verb (and then with a certain emphasis), Am 2:16, Jb 1:21, Ec 5:14; Lv 20:20, Jb 19:25, 27:19, 30:28, 31:26 (unless rq'y" be a substantive); Ru 1:21 (ha'lem. parallel with the adverb ~q'yre). In Mi 2:7 the text is clearly corrupt.

o

Those examples are especially instructive in which the adjective expressing a state, although referring to several, is nevertheless used in the singular, e. g. Jb 24:10 WkL.hi ~Ar[' naked, i. e. in the condition of one naked, they go about; cf. verse 7 and 12:17. In Is 20:4 the singular occurs after a plural object, and in Is 47:5 the masc. after the 2nd sing. fem. imperative, which clearly proves that the term expressing the state is not conceived as being in apposition, but as an indeclinable adverb.

p

(b) Participles, again either after the verb, Nu 16:27, Jer 2:27, 43:2, y Ps 7:3, Jb 24:5, Ct 2:8, or before it, Gn 49:11, Is 57:19, Ez 36:35, y Ps 56:2, 92:14, Pr 20:14. cf also the substantival use of the participles NiphÇal tAar'An* in a fearful manner (y Ps 139:14) and tAal'p.nI in a wonderful manner, Jb 37:5, Dn 8:24.—Also participles in connexion with genitives, as %Leh;t.mi Gn 3:8 (cf. also ha'B' 1 K 14:6), are to be regarded as expressing a state and not as being in apposition, since in the latter case they would have to take the article.—In 2 S 13:20, 1 K 7:7 and Hb 2:10 the explicative WaÒw (equivalent to and that too) is also prefixed to the participle. In y Ps 69:4 for lxey:m. read lxeY:mi.—On 1 K 11:8, 2 K 10:6, 19:2, Hag 1:4, cf. the note on § 131 h.

q

(c) Substantives⁵ in the most varied relations: thus, as describing an external state, e. g. Mi 2:3 hm'Ar Wkl.t†e aolw> neither shall ye walk haughtily (as opposed to x;Axv. Is 60:14); Lv 6:9 (accus. before the verb = as unleavened cakes), Dt 2:9, 4:11, Ju 5:21, Is 57:2, Pr 7:10, Jb 31:26, La 1:9; as stating the position of a disease, 1 K 15:23 he was diseased wyl'g>r;-ta, in his feet (2 Ch 16:12 wyl'g>r;B.), analogous to the cases discussed in § 117 ll and § 121 d (d); as describing a spiritual, mental, or moral state, e. g. Nu 32:14, Jos 9:2 (dx'a, hP, with one accord, 1 K 22:13; cf. Ex 24:3, Zp 3:9), 1 S 15:32, 2 S 23:3, Is 41:3 (unless ~Alv' is adjectival, and the passage is to be explained as in n); Jer 31:7, Ho 12:15, 14:5, y Ps 56:3, 58:2, 75:3, Pr 31:9, Jb 16:9, La 1:9; Lv 19:16, &c., in the expression lykir' %l;h' to go up and down as a tale-bearer; also xj;B,ñ unawares, On 34:25, Ez 30:9; ~yrIv'ym†e uprightly, y Ps 58:2, 75:3 (in both places before the verb); as stating the age, e. g. 1 S 2:33 (if the text be right) ~yvin"a] WtWmñy" they shall die as men, i. e. in the prime of life; cf. 1 S 2:18 (r[;n:ò), Is 65:20, and Gn 15:16; as specifying a number more accurately, Dt 4:27, 1 S 13:17, 2 K 5:2, Jer 31:8 [in Jer 13:19 ~ymiAlv. wholly (?) is corrupt; read hm'lev. tWlG" with LXX for äv tl'g>h']; as stating the consequence of the action, Lv 15:18; &c.

r

The description of the external or internal state may follow, in poetry, in the form of a comparison with some well-known class, e. g. Is 21:8 hyEr>a; ar'q.YIw: and he cried as a lion; cf. y Ps 22:14, Is 22:18 (rWDK; like a ball); Is 24:22, Zc 2:8, y Ps 11:1 (unless rAPci be vocative); 58:9b (unless the force of the preceding K. is carried on, as in y Ps 90:4); y Ps 144:12, Jb 24:5 (~yair'P., before the verb); 41:7 shut up together as with a close seal.⁶

t

(a) The place, e. g. Is. 5:17 ~r'b.d'K. after the manlier of, i. e. as in their pasture; 23:15 as (it is said) in the song of the harlot; 28:21, 29:7 ~Alx]K†; as in a dream.

u

(b) The time, especially in the combination ~AyK. after the manner of the day, equivalent to as in the day, Is 9:3, Ho 2:5; ymeyKi as in the days of … , Is 51:9, Ho 2:17, 9:9, 12:10, Am 9:11; cf. moreover, Lv 22:13, Ju 20:39, Is 17:6, Jb 5:14, 29:2, and the expressions ~AyB. ~AyK. as day by day = as in the former days, 1 S 18:10; ~[;p;ñB. ~[;p;ñK. as at other times, 1 S 3:10, &c.; hn"v'b. hn"v'K. as in former years, 2 K 17:4; cf. § 123 c. Of a different character is the use of K. as a simple particle of time, e. g. Gn 18:10 hY"x; t[eK' at this time (not about the time), when it lives again, i. e. at the end of a year; rx'm' t[eK' to-morrow at this time; cf. Is 23:5, and the frequent connexion of K. with the infinitive construct to express a definite time (in the sense of a pluperfect), Gn 12:14, 27:34, Ex 9:29, &c.

v

(c) The person, e. g. Gn 34:31 should he deal with our sister as with a harlot?

w

(d) The thing, e. g. Is 10:14, y Ps 33:7, Jb 28:5 vae-AmK. as a fire, i. e. as it were by fire (cf. Is 1:25 rBoK; as with lye); Jb 29:23 rj'M'K; as for the rain (they waited for me); Jb 38:14 (as in a garment); 38:30 !b,a,K. as to stone (the waters are solidified in freezing).

x

Rem. According to the earlier grammarians, K. is sometimes used pleonastically, i. e. not to indicate a similarity (as in Lv 14:35 as it were, i. e. something like), but simply to introduce the predicate (Kaph veritatis), e. g. Neh 7:2 for he was tm,a/ vyaiK. a faithful man; cf. 1 S 20:3 [f;p,K., La 1:20 tw<M'ñK;. Such a pleonasm is of course out of the question. At the most a Kaph veritatis can only be admitted in the sense that the comparison is sometimes introduced by K. with a certain emphasis (equivalent to in every respect like); thus tm,a/ vyaiK. in Neh 7:2 means simply of the nature of a faithful man, i. e. as only a faithful man can be; cf. Nu 11:1, Is 1:7, 13:6, Ho 4:4, 5:10, Ob 11 , Jb 24:14, 27:7, La 1:20, 2:4; also j[;m.Ki in such passages as y Ps 105:12 yea, very few; but e. g. in Is 1:9 only just, a very small …

Footnotes:

¹[1] So commonly in Sanskrit; in Greek only poetically, e. g. Iliad i. 317 Kni,sh dV ouvrano.n i- ken: in Latin, e. g. rus ire, Romam proficisci.

²[2] Hence e. g. in 1 S 9:26 the Masora requires hg"G"òh; instead of the K^eth. gG"h;.

³[3] So in Ju 19:18 for  äy tyBe-ta, the better reading is  äB-la,.

⁴[1] In y Ps 2:12 %r,D,ñ is not to be taken as an accus. loci (on the way), but as an accus. of respect (with regard to the way); see below, m.

⁵[1] Cf. above, § 100 c, on certain substantives which have completely become adverbs; and § 113 h and k on the adverbial use of the infinitive absolute.

⁶[2] It is, as a matter of fact, permissible to speak of the above examples as comparatio decurtata, but it must not be assumed that the comparative particle K., which is otherwise regularly prefixed (see s), has actually dropped out.

⁷[3] On the use of K. as a prefix, cf. § 102 c.

⁸[1] Schwabe (K. nach seinem Wesen und Gebrauch im alttestam. Kanon gewürdigt, Halle, 1883) contests this explanation (which is defended especially by Fleischer and is certainly indisputable). He, with Gesenius and Ewald, places K. as a preposition on the same footing as K. and l., and believes it to be probably connected with the stem !WK as well as with yKi and !Ke. The above view of K. as a substantive of course does not imply that the language as we have it is still in every case conscious of the substantival meaning.—On K. in numerical statements, in the sense of about, nearly, see the Lexicon.

⁹[2] It would be altogether unsuitable here also (see above, note 2 on r) to assume a loss of the preposition. Such examples as Is 1:26 (hn"voar†ib'K. and hL'xiT.b;K.), Lv 26:37 (ynEP.miK.) are to be explained from the fact that here the preposition and substantive had already become simply one word before the K. was prefixed. We find also l[;K. Is 59:18, 63:7, y Ps 119:14, and 2 Ch 32:19; cf. Driver on 1 S 14:14 (ycix]b†;K.), where the text is wholly corrupt.