§ 155. Relative Clauses.

See V. Baumann, HebraÎische RelatiÖvsaÎtze, Leipzig, 1894 (cf. the heading of § 138 above); G. Bergsträsser, 'Das hebr. Präfix v,' ZATW. 1909, p. 40 ff.1

a

1. By § 138 a, e, relative clauses are divided into two classes: those which are used for the nearer definition of a noun (substantive or pronoun), and those which are not dependent on a noun. The former may be called incomplete, the latter complete relative clauses.

b

Complete relative clauses, as a rule (see the exceptions under n), are introduced by the originally demonstrative pronoun, rv,a]; see further in § 138 e. Similarly, incomplete relative clauses may also be introduced by rv,a], or by some other demonstrative pronoun; see further in § 138 a and g–k. Very frequently, however, especially in poetic style, the attributive relation is expressed by simple co-ordination.2

c

The governing substantive or pronoun is frequently (in certain cases always) resumed by a pronominal suffix or an adverb. The resumption may, however, be omitted, just as in relative clauses introduced by rv,a], &c.; see § 138 f.

d

In Arabic a distinction is made between relative clauses used for the nearer definition of a determinate substantive (sÌila), and those which are attached to an indeterminate substantive (sÌifa). The former must be introduced by the demonstrative pronoun alladiÖ, the latter are always simply co-ordinated. The same distinction was no doubt originally observed in Hebrew, since simply co-ordinated relative clauses are most commonly found after indeterminate substantives (see the examples below), and in cases like Dt 28:49 (Anvol. [m;v.ti-aol rv,a] yAG a nation whose tongue thou shalt not understand; cf. Is 66:13, and especially 1 S 3:11), the addition of rv,a] is explained from the special stress laid on the indeterminate substantive,3 a nation of such a kind, thou understandest not their tongue. On the other hand, in poetic style at least, rv,a] is some what frequently omitted even after a determinate noun, but only rarely in prose (except by the Chronicler; cf. 1 Ch 9:22, 12:23(24), 29:1 (read prob. rv,a] for dx;a,), 2 Ch 15:11; after -lK' 1 Ch 29:3, 2 Ch 18:23, 30:17, 31:19, Ezr 1:5, but also Gn 39:4; for further instances, see Driver, introd.8, p. 537, no. 30); so Ex 18:20, Ju 8:1, 20:15, 1 K 13:12 (= which way), so 2 K 3:8, 2 Ch 18:23; Neh 13:23; after a pronominal subject, 1 S 6:9. In Jer 52:12 for dm;[' read dme[o with the LXX.

e

2. If the nearer definition of a substantive or pronoun is effected by simple co-ordination of the relative clause, it may take the form—

(a) Of a noun-clause, e. g. 2 S 20:21 a man of the hill country of Ephraim Amv. [b;v,ñ whose name was Sheba; Zc 6:12, Jb 1:1, 3:15 with princes ~h,l' bh'z" that had gold; y Ps 11:4, Pr 22:11; when referring to a noun-suffix, e. g. y Ps 49:14 Aml'ñ ls,Keñ ~K'r>d; hz< this is the way of them who have (self-)confidence.—On periphrases of this kind to express negative attributes, as in Jb 38:26 vyai-aol #r,a,ñ-l[;. on a land where no man is, see § 152 u, and cf. for this very short form of the relative clause, Gn 15:13 ~h,l' aol #r,a,ñB. in a land that belongs not to them; Dt 32:17 (H;l{a/ aol ~ydIVel;); Hb 1:6, Pr 26:17 (Al-aol).

f

(b) Of a verbal clause.

Here we must distinguish the cases in which the retrospective pronoun—

(1) Is the subject of the relative clause, and is contained in the verb; so after a determinate substantive, y Ps 34:9 happy is the map AB-hs,h/y), that trusteth in him; Jb 3:3b rm;ña' hl'y>L;ñh; the night which said; after -lK' y Ps 71:18; referring to a vocative, which is determinate in itself even without the article, Is 54:1 or to a noun-suffix (see under e), y Ps 16:4; after an indeterminate substantive, e.g. Jb 31:12 it is a fire (that) devoureth unto Abaddon; Dt 32:17b, 1 S 6:9, Is 55:13, 56:2, y Ps 68:31, 78:6, Pr 30:17, La 1:10, 2 Ch 28:9; referring to the suffix in ynIn>hi Is 28:16, prop. behold me, who have laid, &c., but perhaps the participle dseyO is to be read; 29:14, 38:5 (but probably again the participle @seAy should be read instead of the imperfect); Ez 25:7. The relative clause is used in this way especially to supply the place of an adjective, e. g. Gn 49:27 baez> @r+'m.yI a wolf that ravineth, i. e. a ravining wolf; Is 51:12; to express a negative quality, e. g. Is 40:20, Ho 4:14 !ybiy"-aol† ~[' an undiscerning people.

g

Rem. Very frequently such relative sentences are attached to substantives which have the particle of comparison K., e.g. Jb 7:2 lce-@a;viyI db,[,ñK. as a servant that earnestly desireth the shadow, &c.; Dt 32:11, Is 62:1, Jer 23:29, Ho 6:3, y Ps 42:2, 83:15, Jb 9:26, 11:16; so also after AmK. y Ps 58:5; after a determinate substantive, e.g. Is 53:7 (but the better reading is hf,K. without the article), 61:10 f., Hb 2:14, y Ps 49:13, 21, 125:1; see also the examples under h. Sometimes it seems simpler in such cases, to take the verb directly as predicate to the preceding substantive, and to explain K. (for rv,a]K†; see Comparative Clauses, § 161 b) as a conjunction—a view which even Hupfeld was ready to accept, at least as regards y Ps 90:5, 125:1, Is 53:7, 61:11, but it can hardly be right.

h

(2) The cases in which the retrospective pronoun represents an accusative of the, object, or would do so if not suppressed, as it usually is in such cases in relative clauses with ,rv,a], cf. § 138 b. Examples with the retrospective pronoun are, Dt 32:17 ~W[d'y> aol ~yhil{a/ gods whom they knew not (see also the end of the verse); after a substantive with K. (see above, g), Jer 23:9, Jb 13:28. Without a retrospective pronoun, after a determinate substantive, Ju 8:1, y Ps 33:12 (preceded by a relative clause with rv,a] Jb 28:1. Other examples of this kind, though the article is omitted according to poetic usage, are Is 15:7 (hf'[' hr't.yI, for which Jer 48:36 hf'[' tr;t.yI with the substantive in the construct state governing the relative clause, see § 130 d), y Ps 7:16, 51:10, La 1:21.—Without the retrospective pronoun, after an indeterminate substantive, e.g. Is 6:6 x;Bez>Mih; l[;me xq;l' ~yIx'ñq'l.M,b. hP'c.rI a live coal which he had taken with the tongs from off the altar; Ex 15:17, Is 42:16 (48:17, y Ps 25:12, all after %r,d,ñB] but y Ps 32:8 %lete Wz-%r,d†,ñK.); Is 64:2; Ec 10:5 (in 6:1 the same clause with rv,a]); moreover, in Jer 14:18 read with the LXX W[d†'y" aol #r,a,ñ-la, into a land (that) they know not.

i

(3) The cases in which the retrospective pronoun is dependent on a preposition, or its place is taken by the adverb ~v', as in Jer 2:6 end. Thus after a determinate substantive, y Ps 18:3 AB-hs,x/a†, yrIWc my rock in which I take refuge; Ex 18:20, Is 42:1; in Jb 3:3 a also, the omission of the article with ~Ay is only a poetic licence. After an indeterminate substantive, Jer 2:6, last clause but one; y Ps 32:2.

k

In this case also the retrospective word is not infrequently suppressed, giving rise to extremely short, bold expressions, such as Is 51:1 look unto the rock ~T,b.C;xu (whence) ye were hewn, and to the hole of the pit ~T,r>Q;nU, (whence) ye were digged; Jb 21:27 the devices (where-with) ye act violently against me.—A retrospective adverb is suppressed in Jb 38:19 where is the way (to the place where) the light dwelleth ? cf. 38:24.

l

Rem. 1. The omission of the retrospective word occurs most frequently in relative clauses which are governed by the construct state of a preceding substantive (especially an expression of time) and hence are virtually in the genitive. In addition to the instances already given in § 130 d, cf. the following: after ~AyB. Lv 7:35, y Ps 56:10; after ~AYmi Jer 36:2; after simple ~Ay y Ps 56:4, (ar'yai ~Ay on the day when I am afraid); after t[eB. 2 Ch 29:27 (hl'A[h†' lxehe t[eB. at the time when the burnt offering began); 20:22, 24:11, Jb 6:17; after t[el. Dt 32:35; after t[e-d[; Mi 5:2; after t[eme y Ps 4:8 thou hast put gladness in my heart more than (their gladness) at the time (when) their corn and their wine are increased.

m

2. The agreement (§ 138 d) of the retrospective pronoun with a pronominal regens in the 1st or 2nd person also takes place in a simple co-ordinated relative clause in 1 S 26:14, who art thou (that) criest ? Cf., however, Is 63:19we are become as they over whom(~B' not WnB'ñ) thou no longer beareast rule.

n

3. Occasionally—chiefly in poetic or otherwise elevated style—even independent relative clauses are simply co-ordinated with a regens, whereas we should expect them always to be preceded by a demonstrative pronoun, on the analogy of the examples in § 138 e. The suppressed pronoun would stand—

(a) As subject, Is 41:24 an abomination (is he) that chooseth you (but read perhaps rxob.li); Jb 30:13, cf. § 152 u.

(b) As object, Is 41:2, with a retrospective pronoun; Mal 2:16 hS'kiw>, and him that covereth (or read hs,bow> ?); Jb 29:12 I delivered the fatherless also, and him that had none to help him.

(c) In the genitive governed by a substantive (cf. § 130 d), Ex 4:13 xl†'v.Ti-dy:B. an"-xl;v. send, I pray thee, by the hand of him whom thou will send, i.e. by the hand of some one else; y Ps 65:5 and Pr 8:32, verbal-clauses after yrev.a; O the happiness of the man, &c.; y Ps 81:6, 141:9, Jb 29:16, La 1:14; after -lK' Gn 39:4, but we must certainly read here, with the Samaritan and LXX, Al-vy< rv,a]-lK' as in verses 5 and 8; Ex 9:4; verbal-clauses after -lK' 1 Ch 29:3, 2 Ch 30:19, 31:19, Ezr 1:5.

(d) Governed by a preposition; so verbal-clauses after yrex]a†; Jer 2:8; after -la, (=to the place where), 1 Ch 15:12, but Ex 23:20 before the same verb rv,a] ~AqM'h;-la,; after B. Jer 2:11, 2 Ch 1:4 (!ykiheB†;= ähh†;B.=to the place where); after l. Is 65:1 Wla'ñv' aAll. by them that asked not for me ynIvuñq.bi aoll. them that sought me not; Ez 13:3 that which they have not seen, but the text is hardly correct; after l[; y Ps 119:136, cf. § 158 b; after ~[i 2 Ch 16:9.—A noun-clause follows l. in Neh 8:10. An analogous instance in Aramaic is Ezr 5:14 to one whose name was Sheshbazzar [so in the papyri, see the Lexicon, p. 1116 a].


Footnotes:

1[1]. In this exhaustive article the author shows that between v (on tile pronunciation see § 36) and rv,a] there is syntactically no primary difference, but only a secondary distinction which arose in the course of the development of the language, namely that ,rv,a] is preferred in combinations which are customary in the old literary language, and v in those which are derived from the popular language or from Aramaic.

2[1] The old view that all these cases arise from the omission of rv,a] is incorrect. These co-ordinated attributive clauses are rather a mere subdivision of the various kinds of circumstantial clauses (see § 156) which may be attached to a nomen regens. Cf. in English this is the letter (which) he wrote to me.

3[2] So Baumann, op. cit., p.14 f., following Böttcher, Lehrbuch, ii. 80.