§ 20. The Strengthening (Sharpening) of Consonants.
1. The strengthening of a consonant, indicated by Dagesë forte, is necessary and essential (Dagesë necessarium)
(a) when the same consonant would be written twice in succession without an intermediate vowel or SèewaÖ; mobile; thus we have WNT;ñn" for Wnn>t;ñn" naÒthaçn–nuÖ and yTiv;ñ for yTit.v;ñ.
(b) in caees of assimilation (§ 19 b–f), e.g. !TeyI for yinteÒn.
In both these cases the Dagesç is called compensativum.
(c) When it is characteristic of a grammatical form, e.g. dm;l' he has learned, dM;li he has taught (Dagesë characteristicum). In a wider sense this includes the cases in which a consonant is sharpened by Dagesë forte, to preserve a preceding short vowel (which in an open syllable would have to be lengthened by § 26 e), e.g. ~yLim;G> camels for gemaÒliÖm; cf. § 93 ee and kk, § 93 pp.
This coalescing of two consonants as indicated above does not take place when the first has a vowel or SèewaÖ mobile. In the latter case, according to the correct Masora, a compound SèewaÖ should be used, preceded by Metheçg, e.g. ~ylil]Ah†Ã tl;l]q†i, &c. (cf. §§ 10 g, 16 f). This pointing is not used before the suffix ^, e.g. ^ñk.r,b†'T. Gn 27:4, but the first K has a vocal SèewaÖ, otherwise the second k would have Dagesë lene. Also when the former of the two consonants have been already strengthened by Dagesë forte, it can only have a vocal SèewaÖ, and any further contraction is therefore impossible. This applies also to cases where Dagesë forte has been omitted (see below, m), e.g. Wll]h†; properly WlL.h; = hal–leluÖ. The form ynInEòn>x†; y Ps 9:14 (not ynInEòn>x') might be explained as imperat. PiÇeÒl = ynInEòN>x;; if it were imperat. Qal the non-contraction of the monosyllabic root wouid be as strange as it is in Wdd>v' Jer 49:28, and in the imperf. ~ded>v'y> Jer 5:6.
2. A consonant is sometimes strengthened merely for the sake of euphony (Dagesë euphonicum), and the strengthening is then not so essential. This occurs1 —
(a) when two words are closely united in pronunciation by Dagesë forte conjunctivum: (1) in the first letter of a monosyllable or of a word having the tone (or occasionally the counter-tone) on the first syllable,2 when closely connected with the preceding word, if that word ends in a tone-bearillg QamesÌ (h¤') with SèewaÖ mobile preceding, or a tone-beariug h¤,ä called qyxiD> (i.e. compressed) by the Jewish grammarians.
The term monosyllable here and in f (by § 28 e) includes Segholates like @s,K,ñà dx;voñ, &c., as well as forms like yrIP.à laov.à Amv., and even ![;n:òK..
Some limit the use of the DehÌiÖq to the closest connexion of a monosyllable with a following Begadkephath. However, it also applies to cases like aW"-hk'l. Nu 22:6; taoW-hx'q'.l†u. Gn 2:23; %L'-hW<c;y> y Ps 91:11; and even with ReÖsë, %R;-hn<[]m†; Pr 15:1; @s,K,ñ-hn<v.m†iW Gn 43:15. In all these examples the tone, were it not for the MaqqeÒph, would be on the ultima of the first word.
Rem. 1. When hz< this has MaqqeÒph after it, a Dagesë forte conj. always follows, even if the next word is neither a monosyllable nor has the tone on the initial syllable; thus not only in AmV.-hz<w> Jer 23:6, but also in Hy"r>Pi-hz<w> Nu 13:27, 1 Ch 22:1. In -a)N" hæN<hi Gn 19:2 (where MaqqeÒph is represented by a conjunctive accent, § 9 u, 1 c, and § 16 b), the SeghoÖl coincides with the secondary tone-syllable. On the origin of Dag. f. conj. after -hm; (for hm') what ?, see § 37 b, c.
2. Such cases as ha'ñG" haæog" Ex
15:1, 21,
the 2nd hk'moßK'' in
ver. 11, T'l.a+'G" ver.13, !b,a+'K' ver. 16,
do not belong here. In these the Dagesë can
only be intended for Dag. lene, see § 21 d.
(2) In the first letter of a monosyllable, or of a word with the tone on the first syllable after a closely connected milÇeÖl ending in h¤' or h¤,. Such a milÇeÖl is called by the Jewish grammarians qyxir;*me ytea' (Aram.=Heb. qAxr'm†e ht,ao) veniens e longinquo (in respect of the tone). The attraction of the following tone-syllable by Dagesë forte conj. is here also due to the exigencies of rhythm, e.g. ybiV,ñ t'ybiñv' y Ps 68:19; aN" h['yviñAh y Ps 118:25 (so ed. Mant., but Ginsburg and Kittel aN" h['ñyviAh†); lAaVe hb'yxiñr>hi Is 5:14; ![;n:òK. hc'r>a;ñ Gn 11:31. The MilÇeÖl may, however, also be due to a subsequent retraction of the tone (naÒsoÖg È ahÌoÖr, § 29 e), as in yrIP. hvo,o[ñ Gn 1:11.—The prefixes b.Ã k.Ã l. and w> alone do not take a Dages&ë in this case, except in ^L., always, and hl'y>l;L. y Ps 19:3. Such forms as yLi h['b.V'ñhi Gn 21:23, dx;vo† ha'l.mä' y Ps 26:10, yNIM*, hq'x]rä' Jb 21:16, and even dx;Y+' hd'm.[; nä; Is 50:8 (i.e. the cases where the tone is thrown back from the ultima on to the syllable which otherwise would have Metheg), are likewise regarded as milÇeÖl. On the other hand, e.g. %l' hr'xä' Gn 4:6, not %L' since the first aÒ of hr'x' could not have Metheg. When words are closely united by MaqqeÒph the same rules apply as above, except that in the first word Metheg, in the secondary tone, takes the place of the accent, cf. yrIP.-hvo,[† Gn 1:12; aN"-hd'yN†ih; Gn 32:30, &c. Finally, the Dagesë is used when the attracted word does not begin with the principal tone, but with a syllable having Metheg, Wvñr>yY†i hM'häe y Ps 37:9; bqoñ[]Y: hL,aäe Is 44:21; wyt'ro[†'Q. t'yfiñ[' Ex 25:29, provided that the second word does not begin with a Begadkephath letter (hence e.g. tAdl.At† hL,aäe Gn 2:4).
Rem. Such cases as ^n<’Q' Dt 32:6, and t'yfiñK' 32:15, and tA[N" (so Baer, but not ed. Mant., &c.) 1 S 1:13 are therefore anomalous; also, because beginning with a Begadkephath, ~liaeB†' Ex 15:11 (cf. however above, e); -lT†e Jos 8:28; [;Arz>B†i y Ps 77:16; ayhi-!K, Jb 5:27.—It is doubtful whether we should include here those cases in which Dagesë forie occurs after a word ending in a toneless uÖ, such as WaC. WmWqñ Gn 19:14, Ex 12:31; Ex 12:15 (raoF.), Dt 2:24; also aoL Gn 19:2, 1 S 8:19; AL Ju 18:19, Est 6:13 (where P. Haupt regards the Dagesë as due to the enclitic character of the wl); j['M. Ho 8:10; WdNUò Jer 49:30; WdR> 1 S 15:6. When we explained the Dagesë in these examples not as conjunctive, but orthophonic (see above. § 13 c, and Delitzsch, Psalmen, 4th ed. on y Ps 94:12a), we especially had in view those cases in which the consonant with Dagesë has a SèewaÖ. The extension of the use of Dagesë to consonants with a stronger vowel, seems, however, to indicate that these are cases of the qyxir;m†e ytea', which was required by some Masoretes but not consistently inserted. On the other hand, the Dogesë forte in y after a preceding iÖ (y Ps 118:5, 18), and even after uÖ (y Ps 94:12), is due to an attempt to preserve its consonantal power; see König, Lehrgeb., p. 54:b.
(b) When a consonant with SèewaÖ is strengthened by Dagesë forte diriçmens to make the SewaÖ more audible. In almost all cases the strengthening or sharpening can be easily explained from the character of the particular consonant, which is almost always a sonant, sibilant, or the emphatic QoÖph; cf. ybeN>[i Lv 25:5, Dt 32:32(for yben>[i); ^t.l{N>K; Is 33:1 (where, however, ^t.AL†k;K. is to be read); cf. Na 3:17, Jb 9:18, 17:2, Jo 1:17 (with m); Is 57:6 (with l); Ju 20:43, 3 1 S 1:6 (with r); Gn 49:10, 17 (and so always in ybeQ.[i Ju 5:22, Ct 1:8 and tAbq.[i y Ps 77:20, 89:52); Ex 15:17, Dt 23:11, Ju 20:32, 1 S 28:10 (q)4; Ex 2:3, Is 58:3, Am 5:21, y Ps 141:3, Pr 4:13 (c); Pr 27:25 (f); Is 5:28, y Ps 37:15, Jer 51:56, Neh 4:7 (v). Also, with k Ho 3:2; with b Is 9:3, Jer 4:7; with t 1 S 10:11. In many instances of this kind the influence of the following consonant is also observable.
(c) When a vowel is to be made specially emphatic, generally in the principal pause, by a Dagesë forte affectuosum in the following consonant. Thus in a following sonant, Ju 5:7 (WLd+ex'), Jb 29:21 (WLx+eyIw>), 22:12 (WMr†'); Ez 27:19 (in n); in t Is 33:12, 41:17, Jer 51:58, perhaps also Jb 21:13 (WTx†;yE).
(d) When the sonants là mà n are strengthened by Dagesë forte firmativum in the pronouns hM'heñà hN"heñà hL,aeñ, and in hM'l'ñ why ? cf. also hM,B;à hM'B;, whereby ? hM'K; how much ? (§ 102 k, l), to give greater firmness to the preceding tone-vowel.
3. Omission of the strengthening, or at least the loss of the Dagesë forte occurs,
(a) almost always at the end of a word, since here a strengthened consonant cannot easily be sonnded.5 In such cases the preceding vowel is frequently lengthened (§ 27 d), e.g. bro multitude, from bbrÈ ~[; people, with a distinctive accent or after the article, ~[', from ~m[; but e.g. !G: garden, tB; daughter, with the final consonant virtually sharpened. On the exceptions T.a; thou (fem.) and T.t;ñn: thou (fem.) hast given Ez 16:33, see § 10 k.
(b) Very frequently in certain consonants with SèewaÖ mobile, since the absence of a strong vowel causes the strengthening to be less noticeable. This occurs principally in the case of w and y (on yE and YE after the article, see § 35 b; on Y> after -hm;, § 37 b); and in the sonants m,6 n and l; also in the sibilants, especially when a guttural follows (but note Is 62:9, wyp's.a;m., as ed. Mant. and Ginsb. correctly reud, while Eaer has äs.a†'m. with compensatory lengthening, and others even äs.a'm.È yNEm;v.mi Gn 27:28, 39; vlv.mi 38:24 for äVmià ~yBil;v.h†; 1 K 7:28; -hq'v.a†, 1 K 19:20 from qv;n"à ~yIT;ñp;v.h†; Ez 40:43 and ~yNIp;v.l†; y Ps 104:18; ~yTev.mi Jon 4:11, ~y[iD>r>p;c.h†; Ex 8:1 &c.);—and finally in the emphatic q.7
Of the Begadkephath letters, b occurs without Dagesë in rycib.mi Ju 8:2; g in ~t'r'Wb†.mi Ez 32:30; d in yxed>nI Is 11:12 56:8, y Ps 147:2 (not in Jer 49:35), supposing that it is the Participle Niph‘al of xd;n" lastly, t in Wct.Ti Is 22:10. Examples, ~yrIw>[ià yhiy>w: (so always the preformative y> in the imperf. of verbs), hl'[.m;ñl.mià x;Cen:m.l†;à ynInEhià Wll]h†;à Wal.mià yais.Kià Waf.yIà Wxq.yIà tAlq.m;à hceq.mi, &c. In correct MSS. the omission of the Dagesë is indicated by the RaÒpheÊ stroke (§ 14) over the consonant. However, in these cases, we must assume at least a virtual strengthening of the consonant (Dagesë forte implicitum, see § 22 c, end).
(c) In the Gutturals, see § 22 b.
Rem. 1. Contrary to rule the strengthening is omitted (especially in the later Books), owing to the lengthening of the preceding short vowel, generally hireq (cf. miÒle for mille), e.g. !t+;yxiy> he makes them afraid, for !Texiy> Hb 2:17 (where, however, it is perhaps more correct to suppose, with König, a formation on the analogy of verbs W¾¾[, and moreover to read ^t,ñyxiy> with the LXX), tAqyzI Is 50:11 for tAQzI.
2. Very doubtful are the instances in which compensation for the strengthening is supposed to be made by the insertion of a following n. Thus for h'yn<òzE[um†' Is 23:11, read h'yz<ñ[um†' (or h'yn<òA[m.); and for Wnm.t'ñ La 3:22, read WMT;ñ. In Nu 23:13 Anb.q' is not an instance of compensation (see § 67 o, end).
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