§ 26. Syllable-formation¹ and its Influence on the Quantity of Vowels.

Apart from the unchangeable vowels (§ 25), the use of short or long vowels, i.e. their lengthening, shortening, or change into vocal Sè^ewaÖ, depends on the theory of syllable-formation. The initial and final syllables especially require consideration.

1. The initial syllable. A syllable regularly begins with a consonant, or, in the case of initial w and y (cf. note on § 5 b), a consonantal vowel.² The copula is a standing exception to this rule. According to the Tiberian pronunciation w> and is resolved into the corresponding vowel W before Sè^ewaÖ and the labials, e.g. rb;d>Wà%l,m,ñW; the Babylonian punctuation in the latter cases writes wƒ, i.e. w> before a full vowel.

(a) With a vowel, and is then called an open or simple syllable, e.g. in T'l.j;ñq' where the first and last are open. See below, e.

Short vowels in open syllables occur:

f

(a) In apparently dissyllabic words formed by means of a helping vowel from monosyllables, as lxn:ò brook, tyIB;ñ house, br,yIò let him increse, from nah\l, bayt, yirb; cf. also ~yI¤;ñ the ending of the dual (§ 88). But see § 28 e.

g

(b) In the verbal suffix of the 1st pers. sing. (ynI¤;ñ me), e.g. ynIl;ñj'q. (Arab. qaçtaçlaçniÖ). The uncommon form yNI¤;ñ, however (Gn 30:6, cf. § 59 f), proves that the tone-bearing PathahÌ produces a sharpening of the following sonant, and thus virtually stands in a closed syllable, even when the Nun is not expressly written with Dagesë. In cases like yn"doaw); (§ 102 m) PathahÌ is retained in the counter-tone after the a has become quiescent.

h

(c) Sometimes before the toneless h¤' local (§ 90 c), e.g. hr'B;ñdeji towards the wilderness; only, however, in the constr. state (1 K 19:15), since the toneless suffix h¤' does not affect the character of the form (especially when rapidly pronounced in close connexion); otherwise it is hr'B'ñd>mi.

In all these cases the short vowel is also supported by the tone, either the principal tone of the word, or (as in h) by the secondary tone in the constr. st., or by the counter-tone with Metheg, as in yn"doaw); above, g; cf. the effect of the arsis on the short vowel in classical prosody.

i

(d) In the combinations ¤]¤†; Ã¤/¤†,ä\¤†', e.g. Ar[]n); his boy, rsoa/y)' he will bind, Al[\P†' his deed. In all these cases the syllable was at first really closed, and it was only when the guttural took a HÍatÌeph that it became in consequence open (but cf. e.g. rsoa.y< and rsoa/y),). The same vowel sequence, arises wherever a Preposition B.àB.àl., or w copulative is prefixed to an initial syllable which has a HÍatÌeph, since the former then takes the vowel contained in the HÍatÌeph (see § 102 d and § 104 d). To the same category belong also the cases where these prepositions with Hireq stand before a consonant with simple Sè^ewaÖ mobile, e.g. rb;d>Biàrb;d>Bi, &c.

k

(e) In forms like Wqz>x,ñy< yaÎhÌaΖz^e–quÖ (they are strong),^l.['P†' poçÇoç l^ekhaÒ (thy deed). These again are cases of the subsequent opening of closed syllables (hence, e.g. Wqz>x.y< also occurs); ^l.['P†' is properly poçÇl^ekhaÒ; cf. generally § 22 m, end, and § 28 c.

l

Such cases as vd,xoñh;à~yxia; (§ 96), t'Toñxix†; (§ 67 w) do not come under this head, since they all have aç in a virtually sharpened syllable; nor does the tone-bearing S^eghoÖl in suffixes (e.g. ^r,ñb'D>), nor S^eghoÖl for aÖ before a guttural with QamesÌ (§ 22 c). On ~yvir'v†' and ~yvid'q†' see § 9 v.

n

The Sè^ewaÖ mobile is no doubt in all such cases weakened from an original full vowel (e.g. Wlj.q.yI Arab. yaqtuçluÖ, ^B. Arab. biçkaç, &c.); from this, however, it cannot be inferred that the Masoretes regarded it as forming a kind of open syllable, for this would be even more directly opposed to their fundamental law (viz. that a long vowel should stand in an open syllable), than are tha exceptions cited above, f-k. Even the use of Metheg with Sè^ewaÖ in special cases (see § 16 f) is no proof of such a view on the part of the Masoretes.

On the omission of the strengthening of a consonant at the end of a word, see § 20 l.

Footnotes:

¹[1] Cf. C. H. Toy, 'The Syllable in Hebrew,' Amer. Journal of Philol., 1884, p. 494 ff.; H. Strack, 'The Syllables in the Hebrew Language,' Hebraica, oct. 1884, p. 73 ff.

²[2] We are not taking account here of the few cases in which initial Yodh is represented as simple i, by being written yai or ai, see § 24 e, and especially § 47 b, note; nor of certain other cases in which a with an initial vowel has only a graphic purpose, though it is indispensable in an unpointed text.

³[3] In opposition to this fundamental law in Hebrew (a long vowel in an open. syllable), the original short vowel is found always in Arabic, and sometimes in the other Semitic languages, except of course in the case of naturally long vowels. The above examples are pronounced in Arabic biçkaç, qaçtaçlaç, Çiçnaçb. Although it is certain therefore that in Hebrew also, at an earlier period, short vowels were pronounced in open syllables, it may still be doubted whether the present pronunciation is due merely to an artificial practice followed in the solemn recitation of the O. T. text. On this hypothesis we should have still to explain, e.g. the undoubtedly very old lengthening of iá and uá in an open syllable into eÒ and oÒ.

⁴[1] That these pretonic vowels are really long is shown by Brockelmann, ZA. xiv. 343 f., from the transcription of Hebrew proper names in the Nestorian (Syriac) punctuation, and e.g. from the Arabic ‘ IbraÖhiÊm=~h'r'b.a;. He regards their lengthening in the syllable before the tone as a mealls adopted by the Masoretes to preserve the pronuncintion of the traditional vowels. This explanation of the pretonic vowels as due to a precaution against their disappearing, is certainly right; as to whether the precaution can be ascribed to the Masoretes, see the previous note. For the pretonic vowel the Arabic regulurly has a short vowel (laçhuçm, yaçquÖm, &c.), the Aramaic simply a vocal Sè^ewaÖ (!Ahl.à~Wqy>àlj;q.àbb;l.); and even in Hebrew, when the tone is thrown forward the pretonic vowel almost always becomes Sè^ewaÖ, see § 27. It would, however, be incorrect to assume from this that the protonic vowel has taken the place of Sè^ewaÖ only on account of the following tone-syllable. It always arises from an original short vowel, since such a vowel is mostly lengthened in an open syllable before the tone, but when the tone is moved forward it becomes Sè^ewaÖ.

⁵[1] In exceptions such as yli-tv†' Gn 4:25 (where sëaÒt is required by the character of the form, although the closed syllable has lost the tone owing to the following Maqqeph), Metheg is used to guard against a wrong pronunciation; similarly eÒ is sometimes retained before Maqqeph, e.g. -~v†e Gn 2:13; -#ñ[e Gn 2:16.

⁶[2] See § 9 e, iç occurs thus only in the particles ~aià~[ià!mi; but these usually (!wki always) are rendered toneless by a following Maqqeph. Cf. also such forms as B.v.YIW: § 26 r and § 75 q.