§ 73. Verbs middle i (vulgo y¾¾[), e. g. !yBi to discern. Paradigm N.

a

1. These verbs agree, as regards their structure, exactly with verbs W¾¾[), and in contrast to them may be termed y¾¾[, or more correctly, ’ayin-iÖ verbs, from the characteristic vowel of the impf., imper., and infin. constr. This distinction is justified in so far as it refers to a difference in the pronunciation of the imperfect and its kindred forms, the imperative and infin. constr.—the W¾¾[ verbs having uÖ lengthened from original uÁ and y¾¾[ having iÖ lengthened from original iÁ. In other respects verbs y¾¾[ simply belong to the class of really monosyllabic stems, which, by a strengthening of their vocalic element, have been assimilated to the triliteral form1 (§ 67 a). In the perfect Qal the monosyllabic stem, as in W¾¾[, has aÒ lengthened from aÁ, thus: tv' he has set; infinitive tyvi, infinitive absolute tAv, imperative tyvi, imperfect tyviy", jussive tvey" (§ 48 g), imperfect consecutive tv,Y"Ðw:.—The perfect Qal of some verbs used to be treated as having a double set of forms, a regular series, and others like HiphÇiÖl without the preformative, e. g. !yBi Dn 10:1; ytinOÐyBi Dn 9:2, also T'n>B;ñ y Ps 139:2; t'AbñyrI thou strivest, Jb 33:13, also T'b.r;ñ La 3:58. The above perfects (!yBi; byrI, &c.) might no doubt be taken as forms middle eÒ (properly iÁ), the iÁ of which has been lengthened to iÖ (like the uÁ lengthened to uÖ in the imperfect Qal of ~Wq). It is more probable, however, that they are really shortened forms of HiphÇiÖl. This is supported by the fact that, especially in the case of !yBi, the shortened forms are few and probably all late, while the corresponding unshortened forms with the same meaning are very numerous, e. g. perfect !ybihe (but !yBi only in Dn 10:1), ~t,Anyb†ih], infinitive !ybih' (but infin. abs. !yBi only in Pr 23:1), imperative !beh' (only in Dn 9:23 !ybiW immediately before !beh'w>, also WnyBiñ three times, and hn"yBiñ y Ps 5:2), participle !ybime2 Elsewhere HiphÇiÖl–forms are in use along with actual Qal-forms with the same meaning, thus: byrIme (also br'), ~yfime placing (but only in Jb 4:20, which, with the critically untenable ymiyfiñh' Ez 21:21, is the only instance of ~Wf in HiphÇiÖl), x;ygIme breaking forth Ju 20:33, with infin. Qal AxyGI ’ Wvyxiñh; they rushed forth Ju 20:37, with vx'; yTiv.x;ñ ’ #ycime glancing, also in perfect #c' ’ ayqihe he spat out, with imperat. Qal Wyq.. As passives we find a few apparent imperfects HophÇal which are really (according to § 53 u) imperfects passive of Qal, e.g, lx;Wy Is 66:8 from lyxi to turn round, rv'Wy from ryvi to sing, tv;Wy from tyvi to set.

b

2. The above-mentioned HiphÇiÖl–forms might equally well be derived from verbs W¾¾[; and the influence of the analogy of verbs W¾¾[ is distinctly seen in the NiphÇal !Abn" (ground-form nabaÒn), PoÖleÒl !nEAB, and HithpoÖleÒl !nEABt.hi. The very close relation existing between verbs y¾¾[ and W¾¾[ is evident also from the fact that from some stems both forms occur side by side in Qal, thus from lyxi to turn round, imperative also yliWxñ Mi 4:10; ~yfi to place, infinitive construct commonly ~Wf (2 S 14:7 ~yf Qere), imperfect ~yfiy", but Ex 4:11 ~Wfy". In other verbs one form is, at any rate, the more common, e. g. lyGI to exult (lWG only Pr 23:24 KethiÖbh); from !Wl (perhaps denominative from lyIl;ñ) to spend the night, !Wll' occurs six times as infinitive construct, !ylil' only in Gn 24:23; but the imperative is always !yli, &c.—Of verbs y¾¾[ the most common are tyvi to set, byrI to strive, !yDI to judge, fyfi to rejoice; cf. also perfect lK' (middle yoÖdh in Arabic) to comprehend, to measure, Is 40:12; jy[i (as in Arabic and Syriac) to rush upon, and the denominative perfect #q' (from #yIq;ñ) to pass the summer, Is 18:6. On the other hand, ~WgydIw> and they shall fish them, Jer 16:16, generally explained as perfect Qal, denominative from gD' fish, probably represents a denominative PiÇeÒl, WgY>dIw>.

c

Corresponding to verbs properly w¾¾[, mentioned in § 72 gg, there are certain verbs y¾¾[ with consonantal yoÖdh, as by:a' to hate, @yE[' to faint, hy"h' to become, to be, hy"x' to live.

d

Rem. 1. In the perfect Qal 3rd fem. sing. hn<l'ñw> occurs once, Zc 5:4, for hn"l'ñw>, with the weakening of the toneless aÒ to eÁ (as in the fem. participle hr,Wz Is 59:5); cf. the analogous examples in § 48 l and § 80 i.—2nd sing. masc. hT'ñv; y Ps 90:8, QereÔ (before [; cf. § 72 s); 1st sing. once yTiñv; y Ps 73:28, milraÇ, without any apparent reason; 1st plur. WNl;ñw> Ju 19:13 for lan–nuÖ. The lengthened imperative has the tone on the ultima before gutturals, hwhy hb'ñyrI y Ps 35:1; see further, § 72 s.—Examples of the infinitive absolute are: bro litigando, Ju 11:25, Jb 40:2; ~Af Jer 42:15; tvo ponendo, Is 22:7. On the other hand, byrIy" byrI (for bro) Jer 50:34, !ybiT' !yBi Pr 23:1, lyxt lwx Ez 30:16 Keth., are irregular and perhaps due to incorrect scriptio plena; for the last the QereÖ requires lWxT' lWh, but read lAx; cf. § 113 x.

e

2. The shortened imperfect usually has the form !bey"; ~fey"; tvey"; more rarely, with the tone moved back, e.g. Al br,y"Ð Ju 6:31, cf. Ex 23:1 tv,T'ñ-la;, 1 S 9:20. So with waÒw consecutive ~f,Y"Ðw: and he placed, !b,Y"Ðw: and he perceived; with a middle guttural ~h,B' j[;Y"Ðw: 1 S 25:14 (see § 72 ee); with r as 3rd radical, rv;T'ñw: Ju 5:1. As jussive of !yli; !l;ñT' is found in Ju 19:20 (in pause) and Jb 17:2, for !leT'.—For bArT'-la; Pr 3:30 Keth. (Qere byrIT') read breT'.

f

3. As participle active Qal !le spending the night, occurs once, Neh 13:21; participle passive ~yfi Nu 24:21, 1 S 9:24, Ob4; feminine hm'Wf 2 S 13:32, in the QereÖ, even according to the reading of the Oriental schools (see p. 38, note 2): the KethiÖbh has hm'yfi. A passive of Qal (cf. above, § 52 e and s, and § 53 u) from ~yfi may perhaps be seen in ~f,yYIÐw: Gn 50:26 (also Gn 24:33 KethiÖbh ~Xyyw, QereÖ ~f'WYw:; the Samaritan in both places has ~Xwyw), and also in %s'yyI Ex 30:32, Samaritan ÷swy. Against the explanation of ÷syy as a HophÇ–alform from %Ws, Barth (Jubelschrift … Hildesheimer, Berlin, 1890, p. 151) rightly urges that the only example of a HiphÇiÖl of %Ws is the doubtful %s,Y"Ðw:, which is probably an iÁ–imperfect of Qal.—The explanation of ~Xyy, &c., as a passive of Qal arising from yiysam, &c. = yuysam (so Barth, ibid., note 1), is certainly also unconvincing, so that the correctness of the traditional reading is open to question.

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g

 4. In verbs a¾¾[ the a always retains its consonantal value; these stems are, therefore, to be regarded as verbs middle Guttural (§ 64). An exception is #anEy" Ec 12:5 if it be imperfect HiphÇiÖl of #an (for #aen>y:); but if the form has really been correctly transmitted, it should rather be referred to #c;n", and regarded as incorrectly written for #nEy". On Wwan" (from hw"a]n);), which was, formerly treated here as a¾¾[, see now § 75 x.

Footnotes:

1[1] That verbs W¾¾[ and y¾¾[ are developed from biliteral roots at a period before the differentiation of the Semitic languages is admitted even by Nöldeke (Beiträge zur sem. Sprachwiss., Strassburg, 1904, p. 34 ff.), although he contests the view that ytinOÐyBi and t'AbñyrI, are to be referred to HiphÇiÖl with the preformative dropped.

2[1] Since tnb y Ps 139:2 might be intended for t'nOÐBi, there remains really no form of !yb which must necessarily be explained as a Qal, except the ptcp. plur. ~ynIB' Jer 49:7. Nevertheless it is highly probable that all the above instances of HiphÇiÖl–forms, parallel with Qal-forms of the same meaning, are merely due to a secondary formation from the imperfects Qal !ybiy"; ~yfiy", &c., which were wrongly regarded as imperfects HiphÇiÖl: so Barth, ZDMG. xliii. p. 190 f., and Nominalbildung, p. 119 f.