§ 72. Verbs W¾¾[ (vulgo  w¾¾[), e. g. ~Wq to rise up. Paradigm M.

Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 144 ff.; Grundriss, p. 605 ff.

a

1. According to § 67 a a large number of monosyllabic stems were brought into agreement with the triliteral form by a strengthening; or repetition, of the second radical, i.e. of the consonantal element in the stem. In another large class of stems the same object has been attained by strengthening the vocalic element. The ground-form used for these verbs is not, as in other cases (§ 39 a), the 3rd sing. masc. perfect, but always the infinitive construct form (§ 39 b), the of which is characteristic also of the imperative and of the imperfect indicative Qal. These stems are consequently termed verbs w¾¾[ or more correctly (see below) W¾¾[.1

b

2 As in the case of verbs [¾¾[, the monosyllabic stem of verbs W¾¾[ generally takes the vowel which would have been required in the second syllable of the ordinary strong form, or which belonged to the ground-form, since this is essentially characteristic of the verbal form (§ 43 b; § 67 b). However, it is to be remarked: (a) that the vowel, short in itself, becomes of necessity long in an open syllable as well as in a tone-bearing closed ultima (except in HophÇal, see d), e. g. 3rd sing. masc. perf. ~q', fem. hm'q'ñ, plur. Wmq'ñ, but in a closed penultima T'm.q;ñ, &c.;2; (b) that in the forms as we now have them the lengthening of the original short vowel sometimes takes place irregularly. Cf. f.

c

Intransitive verbs middle e in the perfect Qal have the form tme he is dead; verbs middle o have the form rAa he shone, vB he was ashamed, bAj he was good.3 Cf. n–r.

d

3. In the imperfect Qal, perfect NiphÇal, and throughout HiphÇiÖl and HophÇal the short vowel of the preformatives in an open syllable before the tone is changed into the corresponding tone-long vowel. In Qal and NiphÇal the original is the basis of the form and not the attenuated from (§ 67 h; but cf. also h below, on vAbyE), hence ~Wqy", for yaçquÖm; ~Aqn" for naçqoÖm; on the other hand, in the perfect HiphÇiÖl ~yqihe for hiçqiÖm; participle ~yqime (on the SÍere cf. z); perfect HophÇal ~q;Wh for huçqam.

e

A vowel thus lengthened before the tone is naturally changeable and becomes vocal ewaÖ when the tone is moved forward, e. g. WNt,ñymiy> he will kill him; so also in the 3rd plur. imperfect Qal with NuÖn paragogic; !WtñWmy> (without NuÖn WtWmñy"). The wholly abnormal scriptio plena of in rymiyheh†; Jer 2:11 (beside rymihe in the same verse) should, with König, be emended to rymiy"h]; the incorrect repetition of the interrogative necessarily led to the pointing of the form as perfect instead of imperfect.— But in HophÇal the is retained throughout as an unchangeable vowel, when it has been introduced by an abnormal lengthening for the tone-long (as in the HophÇal of verbs [¾¾[).

f

4. The cases of unusual vowel lengthening mentioned in b are: imperfect Qal ~Wqy" (also in Arabic yaçquÖmu), but jussive with normal lengthening (§ 48 g), ~qoy", with retraction of the tone ~q'y"ñ (yaÒqoçm), ~q'iY"òw: (in pause ~qoY"òw:); imperative ~Wq, with normal lengthening of the in the 2nd plur. fem. hn"m.qoñ, since, according to § 26 p, the cannot be retained in a closed penultima; infinitive construct ~Wq. In HiphÇiÖl the original is naturally lengthened to (~yqihe, imperfect ~yqiy", jussive ~qey", with retraction of the tone ~q,y"òà~q,Y"òw:); on the transference of this to the HiphÇiÖl of the strong verb, cf. § 53 a.

g

The following forms require special consideration: the participle Qal ~q' is to be traced to the ground-form with unobscured, Arab. qaÖtiçl, § 9 q, and § 50 b. On this analogy the form would be qaÖiçm,4 which after absorption of the became ~q', owing to the predominating character of the . The unchangeableness of the (plur. ~ymiq', constr. ymeq', &c.) favours this explanation.

h

In the imperfect Qal, besides the forms with original (now ) there are also forms with original . This was lengthened to , and then farther obscured to ; hence especially aAby" ¿aoby"ÀàaobY"w:, &c., from the perfect aB' he has come. In the imperfects rAayE (but cf. hn"r>aoñT'w: 1 S 14:27) and vAbyE from the intransitive perfects rAaàvB (see above, c), most probably also in WtaoñyE 2 K 12:9, tAanE Gn 34:15 from an unused twa to consent, and perhaps in ~hoTew: 1 S 4:5, &c., as in the cases noticed in § 63 e and especially § 67 n, the of the preformative is lengthened from (which is attenuated from original ) and thus yiç–baçsë became yiç–baÒsë, and finally yeÒ–boÖsë. Finally the Niph, ~Aqn" (naç–qaÒm), imperfect ~wAQyI) from yiqqaÒm, originally (§ 51 m) yinqaçm, arises in the same way from the obscuring of lengthened from .

i

5. In the perfect NiphÇal and HiphÇiÖl a A is inserted before the afformatives beginning with a consonant in the 1st and 2nd persons, and y¤, regularly (but see Rem.) in the imperfect Qal, sometimes also in the imperfect HiphÇiÖl (as in hn"ya,ñybiT. Lv 7:30, cf. hN:m,ñyhiT. Mi 2:12), before the termination of hn". As in verbs [¾¾[ (§ 67 d and note) these separating vowels serve as an artificial opening of the preceding syllable, in order to preserve the long vowel; in the perfect HiphÇiÖl, however, before the A, instead of the an is somewhat often found5 (as a normal lengthening of the original ), especially after waÒw consecutive, Dt 4:39, 30:1, as well as before the afformatives ~t, and !t, or before suffixes, Dt 22:2, 1 S 6:8, 1 K 8:34, Ez 34:4. For in all these cases the tone is removed from the ! to the following syllable, and this forward movement of the tone produces at the same time a weakening of the to ; thus ~yqiheàt'Amñyqih] (or yqh/; on ht'doñ[eh†; Ex 19:23, cf. x), but t'moq†e h]w);, &c., Ex 26:30, &c.; Dt 4:39, Nu 18:26 (cf., however, Wnòmoqeh]w); Mi 5:4). In the same way in the 1st pers. sing. of the perfect NiphÇal, the before the separating vowel is always modified to (ytiAmñWqn>); cf. v. In the imperfect Qal and HiphÇiÖl the separating vowel y¤, always bears the tone (hn"ym,ñWqT.).

k

Without the separating vowel and consequently with the tone-long and instead of and we find in imperfect Qal hn"aobñT' (see § 76 g); ^b.voñT' Ez 16:55 (also hn"yb,ñWvT. in the same verse); hn"b.voñT'w: 1 S 7:14 (cf. Ez 35:9 QereÖ; on the KethiÖbh hn"b.v;ñyTe cf. above, note on § 69 b); hn"r>aoñT'w: 1 S 14:27 from rAa (KethiÖbh hn"añ,r>Tiw: and they saw, see § 75 w); in HiphÇiÖl, e. g. T'p.n:òhe Ex 20:25, also ytiApñynIh] Jb 31:21; yTil.j;h†ew> Jer 22:26; hn"b.veñT' Jb 20:10; with a separating vowel, e. g. hn"yañ,ybiT. Lv. 7:30 from aAB. SeghoÖl without y occurs in the imperfect Qal in hn"tñ,WmT. Ez 13:19, Zc 1:17; and in HiphÇiÖl Mi 2:12: the Dagesë in the NuÖn is, with Baer, to be rejected in all three cases according to the best authorities. Wholly abnormal is hn"m.yqñiT' Jer 44:25, probably an erroneous transposition of my (for hn"ymñ,qiT.), unless it originates from an incorrect spelling hn"m.yqñeT' or hn"mñ,yqiT..

l

6. The tone, as in verbs [¾¾[ (cf. § 67 k), is also generally retained on the stem-syllable in verbs W¾¾[ before the afformatives h¤'àWày¤i; thus hm'q'ñ (but also ^l. hzñ'B' 2 K 19:21, probably for the sake of rhythmical uniformity with the following ^l. hg"[]l†'; after waÒ consecutitve hbñ'v'w> Is 23:17); Wmq'ñ (but also Wmñq', cf. Is 28:7, 29:9, Na 3:18, y Ps 76:6, Pr 5:6, La 4:18; Wcòr'w> 1 S 8:11; so especially before a followillg a, cf. § 49 l, Nu 13:32; W[ñn"w> Is 19:1; before [, y Ps 131:1, Pr 30:13, La 4:14); ymiWqñT'àWmWqñy", but before a suffix or with NuÖn paragogic ~Wbñsuy>w:, 2 Ch 28:15; !WmñWqy> Dt 33:11, &c.

m

7. The formation of the conjugations PiÇeÒl, PuÇal, and HithpaÇeÒl is, strictly speaking, excluded by the nature of verbs W¾¾[. It is only in the latest books that we begin to find a few secondary formations, probably borrowed from Aramaic, on the analogy of verbs w¾¾[ (with consonantal w see below, gg); e. g. the PiÇeÒl dWE[i to surround, only in ynIduñW>[i y Ps 119:61; and with change of w to yà~Y:qi Est 9:31, WmY>qi Est 9:27, impf. hm'YEòq;a]w) y Ps 119:106, infin. ~YEq; Ez 13:6, Ru 4:7 &c., Est 9:21 &c., imperat. ynImeñY>q; y Ps 119:28; ~T,b.Y:xiw> Dn 1:10 from bWx to be guilty. The HithpaÇeÒl dYEj;c.hi Jos 9:12, which belongs to the older language, is probably a denominative from dyIc;ò. On the other hand the otherwise less common conjugation poÖleÒl (see § 55 c), with its passive and reflexive, is usually employed in the sense of pieÒl and as a substitute for it, e. g. ~meAq to set up from ~Wq È tteAm to slaughter, 1 S 14:13, 17:51, 2 S 1:9, from tWm È ~meAr to exalt, passive ~m;Ar, from ~Wr; reflexive rreA[t.hi to stir up oneself (cf. rr†'[ot..yI Jb 17:8 in pause) from rW[; reciprocal vveBt.hi to be ashamed before one another, Gn 2:25. The conjugation PilpeÒl (§ 55 f), on the analogy of verbs [¾¾[, is less common, e. g. lðjel.ji to hurl away from lWj È lKel.Ki to contain from liWK È rq;r>q; to destroy from rWq.

REMARKS.

I. On Qal.

n

1. Of verbs middle e and o, in which, as in the strong verb, the perfect and participle have the same form (§ 50. 2), the following are the only examples: tme he is dead, fem. ht'meñ, 2nd masc. hT'm;ñ (cf. § 44 g § 66 h); 1st sing. yTim;ñàyTim;ñw" (even in pause, Gn 19:19); plur. Wtmeñ, 1st pers. Wnt.m;ñ, in pause Wnt.m'ñ È vB he was ashamed, T.v.BàyTiv.BñàWnv.BñàWvBñàȠrAa it has shone, plur. WrAañ È bAj to be good, wbjoñ. Participles tme a dead man (plur. ~ytimeàyteme); ~yviAB ashamed, Ez 32:30. For dnE Is 27:11 read dn", or, with LXX, d[;.

o

Isolated anomalies in the perfect are: tb;ñv'w> (with the original ending of the fem. for hb'ñv'w>) Ez 46:17 (see § 44 f); !Wqc' Is 26:16 (see § 44 l).—In WnB'ñ 1 S 25:8 (for WnaB' from aAB) the a has been dropped contrary to custom. In WaoBñ Jer 27:18 (instead of WaB'ñ) the Masora seems to point to the imperfect Waoñby" which is what would be expected; as YoÖdh precedes, it is perhaps simply a scribal error.

p

The form ~q' occurs (cf. § 9 b) with a in the perfect, ~aq' Ho 10:14, also in the participles jal' softly, Ju 4:21, var' poor, 2 S 12:1, 4, Pr 10:4 plur 13:23; ~yjiav' doing despite unto (unless ~yjia]vo) is to be read, from a stem jav whence ja'v. Ez 25:15, 36:5), Ez 28:24, 26; fem. 16:57; also in Zc 14:10 hm'ar' is to be read with Ben-Naphtali for hm'a]r†'. On the analogy of participles of verbs middle (like ~yviAB, see above) ~ymiAq occurs for ~ymiq' 2 K 16:7 and even with a transitive meaning jAl occultans, Is 25:7; ~ysiAB Zc 10:5.—Participle passire, lWm circumcised; but gWs a backslider, Pr 14:14, and hr'Ws put aside, Is 49:21 (cf. Jer 17:13 QereÖ), are verbal adjectives of the form qaÒtÌuÖl (§ 50 f), not passive participles. For ~yvixu hastening, Nu 32:17, read ~yvimux] as in Ex 13:18; for ybeWv Mi 2:8 read ybev'

q

2. Imperfects in almost always have the corresponding imperative and infinitive construct in , as ~Wqy", imperative and infinitive ~Wq (also defectively written ~quy"à~qu); but vWdy" he threshes (infin. vWD), has imperative yviADñ (fem.), Mi 4:13; jWmy" it slippeth, infinitive jAm (y Ps 38:17, 46:3); cf. x;An (also x;Wn) Nu 11:25 and [;An Is 7:2 (elsewhere [;Wn) with the imperfects x;Wny" and [;Any" È zA[l' Is 30:2; bAX Jos 2:16; ~Ar Ez 10:17 (verse 16 ~Wr).

r

Where the imperfect (always intrasitive in meaning) has the imperative and infininitive also have it; thus imperfect aAby" (aoby"), infin. and imper. aAB or aoB6; raoYEw: 2 S 2:32, yrIAañàWrAañ È vAbyEàvAB, &c.—jAqy" Jb 8:14 (if it be a verb at all and not rather a substantive) is formed on the analogy of verbs [¾¾[, since the imperfect of joWq appears as jWqa' in y Ps 95:10. On the other hand !Wvqy> (as if from vAq, on the analogy aAby", &c.) occurs as imperfect of vqy" ¿y¾¾pÀ. The imperfect !Ady" with , Gn 6:3, probably in the sense of to rule, has no corresponding perfect, and is perhaps intentionally differentiated from the common verb !ydIy" to judge (from !yDIày¾¾[). Or can !Ady" be jussive after aol (cf. § 109 d)? Similarly (^n>y[†e) ynIy[e sAxt' aol might be taken as a case of a jussive after aol, with irregular scriptio plena (as in Ju 16:30), in Dt 7:16, 13:9, 19:13, 21, 25:12, Ez 5:11, 7:4, 9, 8:18, 9:10. But perhaps in all these cases sWxt' aol was originally intended, as in Is 13:18, Jer 21:7, while cases like sxoy" y Ps 72:13 are to be explained as in § 109 k.— The infinitive absolute always has , e. g. WmWqñy" ~Aq Jer 44:29.

s

3. In the imperative with afformatives (ymiWqñàWmWqñ) the tone is on the stem syllable (cf., however, yrIñW[) Ju 5:12 intentionally varied from yrIW[ñ; also yrIñW[ Zc 13:7 and Is 51:9 beside ymeyKäi yrIW[ñ È yliñyGI Zc 9:9; yrIñWc Is 21:2, ybiñWv y Ps 116:7, likewise for rhythmical reasons). So also the lengthened form, as hb'Wvñ Jer 3:12, y Ps 7:8 (cf. 2 S 15:27), hr'W[ñ y Ps 7:7, and hm†'Wqñ y Ps 44:27. But if an a follows in close connexion, the lengthened imperative usually has the form hm'ñWq, &c.,7 in order to avoid a hiatus, e. g. Ju 4:18, y Ps 82:8; hence also before hA'hy> QereÖ perpetuum yn"doa] (§ 17 c), e. g. y Ps 3:8, 7:7 hm'ñWq (cf., however, in the same verse hr'W[ñ and in Jer 40:5, hb'vuñ before a), and so even before r y Ps 43:1, 74:22, &c. (hb'ñyrI).

t

4. In the jussive, besides the form ~qoy" (see above, f), ~Aqy" also occurs (as subjunctive, Ec 12:4; gAsn" y Ps 80:19 may also, with Delitzsch, be regarded as a voluntative), incorrectly written plene, and ~quñy" (Gn 27:31; cf. Ju 6:18, Pr 9:4, 16), which, however, is only orthographically different from ~Wqy" (cf. Jer 46:6). In the imperfect consecutive (~q'Y"òw:, in pause ~qoY"òw:, see above, f) if there be a guttural or r in the last syllable, often takes the place of , e. g. xn:Y"òw: and he rested; [n:Y"òw: and it was moved; rs;Y"òw: and he turned aside, Ju 4:18, Ru 4:1 (distinguished only by the sense from HiphÇiÖl rs;Y"òw: and he removed, Gn 8:13); rc;Y"òw: Ex 21:4, 2 K 5:23, 17:5 (but also rg"Y"òw: from both rWG to sojourn, and rWG to fear); @[;Y"òw: (to be distinguished from @['Y"òw: and he flew, Is 6:6) and he was weary, Ju 4:21, 1 S 14:28, 31, 2 S 21:15, but probably in all these cases @[;YIw: for @[;YIw: from @[ey" is intended. For Xwltw 2 S 13:8 Keth., the QereÖ rightly requires vl'T'ñw:. On the other hand, in an open syllable always WmWqñY"w:àWrWsñY"w:, &c. On ~Wqa'w)" (~qua'w)"), see § 49 e.

u

Examples of the full plural ending !W with the tone (see above, l) are !WtñmuT. Gn 3:3, 4; !WsñWny> y Ps 104:7; !WcòWry> Jo 2:4, 7, 9.

II. On NiphÇal

v

5. The form of the 1st sing. perf. ytiAmñWqn>, which frequently occurs (ytigOòWsn>àytigOWpn>, cf. also the ptcp. plur. ~ykiWbn> Ex 14:8), serves as a model for the 2nd sing. t'AmñWqn>àtAmWqn>, and the 1st plur. WnAmñWqn> given in the paradigm, although no instances of these forms are found; but of the 2nd plur. the only examples found have (not ), viz. ~t,coAp)n> ye have been scattered, Ez 11:17, 20:34, 41, and ~t,joq)on>W and ye shall loathe yourselves, Ez 20:43, 36:31.— To the (instead of ) of the preformative may be traced the perfect rA[nE Zc 2:17 (analogous to the perfect and participle lAMnI, see below, ee), imperfect rA[yE for yiÇÇoÒr. — The infinitive construct vWDhi occurs in Is 25:10; in rAale Jb 33:30, the Masora assumes the elision of the h (for rAaheli); but probably rAal' (Qal) is intended (see § 51 l). — gAmn" Is 14:31, gAsn" Is 59:13 are to be regarded as infinitives absolute.

III. On HiphÇil, HophÇal, and PiÇleÒl.

w

6. Examples of the perfect without a separating vowel (see above, k) are: t'abeñhe), &c. (see further, § 76 g); hT'm;ñhe) (from tWm) for heÒmaÃth–taÒ (cf. § 20 a); WNk;ñhe 1st plur. perfect HiphÇil from !WK 2 Ch 29:19, even ~T,mih] (§ 27 s) Nu 17:6, &c.; cf. 1 S 17:35, 2 S 13:28, also !T,mih]w);), l Ex 1:16, and h'yTiñmih]w); Ho 2:5; but elsewhere, with waÒw consecutive yTiñm;h†ew> Is 14:30; cf. yTñl.j;h†ew> Jer 16:13, and T'ñp.n:h†ew> Ex 29:24, &c. — In these cases the of the first syllable is retained in the secondary tone; elsewhere in the second syllable before the tone it becomes ¤/ (1 Ch 15:12, &c.) or more frequently ¤], and in the syllable before the antepenultima it is necessarily ¤] (e. g. ytiñmoq†ih]w); Gn 6:18). Before a suffix in the 3rd sing. masc. (except Gn 40:13) and fem., and in the 3rd plur., the vowel of the initial syllable is HÍatÌeph–SeghoÖl, in the other persons always HÍatÌeph–PathahÌ (KÖnig); on Atmoq†eh] 2 K 9:2, y Ps 89:44, cf. Ex 19:23, Nu 31:28, Dt 4:39, 22:2, 27:2, 30:1, Ez 34:4, and above, i. The 3rd fem. perf. Hiph. hT's;ñhe 1 K 21:25 is quite abnormal for ht'ysiñhe from tWs or tysi.

x

As in verbs [¾¾[ with x for their first radical (§ 67 w), all the forms of dW[ Ex 19:23 (where against the rule given under i we find ht'doñ[eh†; with instead of ), Dt 8:19, Neh 9:34, Jer 42:19, and rW[ Is 41:25, 45:13, take PathahÌ in these conjugations instead of ¤]. The irregular ~ytiAbv.Ah)w> Zc 10:6 has evidently arisen from a combination of two different readings, viz. ~yTib.v;Ah)w> (from bv;y" and ~ytiAbv†ih]w); (from bWv): the latter is to be preferred. — On vybihe) and vybiAh as a (metaplastic) perfect HiphÇil of vAB, cf. § 78 b.

y

7. In the imperative, besides the short form ~qeh' (on bv†;h' Is 42:22 with Silluq, cf. § 29 q; but in Ez 21:35 for bv;h' read the infinitive bveh') the lengthened form hm'yqiñh' is also found. With suffix ynImeñyqih], &c. The imperative aybih' Jer 17:18 is irregular (for abeh' Gn 43:16); perhaps aybeh' (as in 1 S 20:40; cf. 2 K 8:6) is intended, or it was originally ha'ybiñh'.

z

In the infinitive, elision of the h occurs in aybil' Jer 39:7, 2 Ch 31:10 (for aybih'l.); h¤' fem. is added in hp'n"h]l†;) Is 30:28; cf. Est 2:18, and the analogous infinitive HophÇel in biblical Aramaic, Dn 5:20. — As infinitive absolute !ykih' occurs in Ez 7:14 (perh. also Jos 4:3, Jer 10:23). — The participles have , on the analogy of the perfect, as the vowel of the preformative, like verbs [¾¾[ (§ 67 i). On ybime 2 S 5:2, &c. (in KethiÖbh), see § 74 k.

aa

On the shortened forms of the imperfect (~qey"à~q,Y"òw:, but always abeñY"w:; in the jussive also with retraction of the tone bv,T'ñ-la; 1 K 2:20) see above, f. With a guttural or r the last syllable generally has PathahÌ (as in Qal), e. g. d[;y"òw: and he testified 2 K 17:13; xr;ñy" let him smell, 1 S 26:19; xr;Y"òw: Gn 8:21; rs;Y"òw: and he took away, Gn 8:13. The 1st sing. of the imperfect consecutive commonly has the form byviña'w)" Neh 2:20, or, more often, defectively d[ia'w)" 1 K 2:42, less frequently the form bvea'w)" Jos 14:7. — For @sea' Zp 1:2 (after @soa') and in verse 3, read @seao from @s;a', on the analogy of rmeao § 68 g: similarly in Jer 8:13 ~pes.a)o instead of ~peysia].

bb

In the imperfect PoÖleÒl the tone is moved backwards before a following tone-syllable, but without a shortening of the vowel of the final syllable; e. g. yAN+ ~m†eArñT. Pr 14:34; Al† ll†eAxñT. Jb 35:14; cf. Pr 25:23, and acc. to Baer yB†i !n)eBoñt.Tiw: Jb 30:20 (ed. Mant., Ginsb. yB†i !n<Bot.Tiw:), always in principal pause; on the Metheg with SÍere, cf. § 16 f. g.—As PoÖlal cf. [[+'roy> Is 16:10.
As participle HophÇal bv;WMh; occurs in close connexion, Gn 43:12; cf. § 65 d.

cc

Peculiar contracted forms of PoÖleÒl (unless they are transitives in Qal) are WNn<Ðkuy>w: Jb 31:15, WNr,ñW[y> 41:2, WngEÐWmT.w: Is 64:6 for WNn<Ðn>k)oy>w:, &c. [but read WnnEn>koy>w: (§ 58 k), WNr,y[iY> or WNn<r>A[y>, and WnnEG>m;T.w:]; also ~meroT. Jb 17:4, for ~mem.r)oT..—In Is 15:5 Wr[eñ[oy> appears to have arisen from the Pilpel Wr[eñr>[;y>, the after the loss of the r having been lengthened to , which has then been obscured to .— For the strange form .ym,ñm]Aq)t.B†i y Ps 139:21, which cannot (according to § 52 s) be explained as a participle with the m omitted, read qt.miB.

IV. In General.

dd

8. The verbs W¾¾[ are primarily related to the verbs [¾¾[ (§ 67), which were also originally biliteral, so that it is especially necessary in analysing them to pay attention to the differences between the inflexion of the two classes. Several forms are exactly the same in both, e.g. imperfect Qal and HiphÇil with WaÒw consecutive, the whole of HophÇal, the PiÇleÒl of verbs W¾¾[, and the PoÖÇeÒl of verbs [¾¾[; see § 67 z. Owing to this close relation, verbs W¾¾[ sometimes have forms which follow the analogy of verbs [¾¾[, e. g. perfect Qal zB; he has despised (from zWB, as if from zz:B') Zc 4:10; perfect Niph‘al rm†'n" Jer 48:11 (for rAmn" from rWm, as if from rr;m'). The same explanation equally applies to hj'q.n)' Jb 10:1 for hJ'q;ñn") (cf. § 67 dd) = hj'Aqñn") from jWq, and WJqon"Ð) Ez 6:9 (for WjAqñn"); WMArñyE Ez 10:17 and WMroñYEw: verse 15; WMroñhe (imperative) Nu 17:10; gS;yI Mi 2:6; HiphÇiÖl perfect zt;he Is 18:5 for ztehe (cf. § 29 q), which is for zytihe from zWT. On the other hand the imperfects rmey" Ez 48:14 (unless it be intended for rmiy", cf. y Ps 15:4) and x;pey" Hb 2:3, are to be regarded according to § 109 i, simply as rhythmically shortened forms of rymiy" and x;ypiy".

ee

9. In common with verbs [¾¾[ (§ 67 g) verbs W¾¾[ sometimes have in NiphÇal and HiphÇiÖl the quasi-Aramaic formation, by which, instead of the long vowel under the preformative, they take a short vowel with DagesÛ forte in the following consonant; this variety is frequently found even along with the ordinary form, e. g. tySihi to incite, imperfect tySiy: (also tysihe; tysiy"); gySihi, imperfect gySiy: to remove (from nWs), also HophÇal gS;hu Is 59:14 (on ~Q;häu cf. § 29 g); sometimes with a difference of meaning, as x;ynIhe to cause to rest,8 but x;yNIhi (imperfect x;yNIy:, consecutive x;NIÐT;w: Gn 39:16; imperative xN:h;, plur. WxyNIÐh;) to set down; for hx'yNIÐhuw> (Baer, Ginsburg nIhuw>) Zc 5:11 (which at any rate could only be explained as an isolated passive of HiphÇiÖl on the analogy of the biblical Aramaic tm;yqih\ Dn 7:4), we should probably read h'xuñyNIhiw> with Klostermann after the LXX. In Dn 8:11 the KethiÖbh ~yrh is intended for a perfect HiphÇiÖl. There is also a distinction in meaning between !yliy" to spend the night, to remain, and !yLiy: Ex 16:7 QereÖ (KethiÖbh WnALTi; conversely, verse 2 KethiÖbh WnyLiñy:, QereÖ WnALñyI), participle !yLim; Ex 16:8, Nu 14:27, 17:20, to be stubborn, obstinate: in the latter sense from the form !yliy" only !l,Y"Ðw: is found, Ex 17:3. Other examples are NiphÇal lAMnI he was circumcised, Gn 17:26 f.; participle 34:22 (from lWm, not lm;n"); rA[nE he is waked up, Zc 2:17 (see above, v); HiphÇil h'WlñyZIhi La 1:8; WzyLiñy: Pr 4:21.

ff

Perhaps the same explanation applies to some forms of verbs first guttural with DagesÛ forte implicitum, which others derive differently or would emend, e. g. vx;T;ñw: for vx;T'ñw: and she hastened (from vWx) Jb 31:5; j[;Y:Ðw: (another reading is j[;Y"Ðw:), j[;T;ñw: 1 S 15:19, 25:14 (14:32 QereÖ) from jW[ or jy[i to fly at anything. Both, as far as the form is concerned, would be correct apocopated imperfects from hv'x' and hj'[' (h¾¾l), but these stems only occur with a wholly different meaning.

gg

10. Verbs with a consonantal WaÒw for their second radical, are inflected throughout like the strong form, provided the first or third radical is not a weak letter, e. g. rIw:x', imperfect rw:x/y), to be white; [w:G", imperfect [w:g>yI to expire; xw:r' to be wide; xw:C' to cry; PiÇeÒl lWE[i, imperfect lWE[;y> to act wickedly; tWE[i to bend, HithpaÇeÒl tWE[;t.hi to bend oneself; and this is especially the case with verbs which are at the same time h¾¾l, e. g. hw"c', PiÇeÒl hW"ci to command, hW"qi to wait, hw"r' to drink, piÇeÒl hW"rI (on %w<Y"Ðr;a] Is 16:9, see § 75 dd) and HiphÇiÖl hw"r>hi to give to drink, &c.

Footnotes:

1[1] The term w¾¾[ was consequent on the view that the WaÒw (or y in the case of verbs y¾¾[) in these stems was originally consonantal. This view seemed especially to be supported by the return of the WaÒw in piÇeÒl (dWE[i, the w usually passing into y as in ~Y:qi, cf. Arabic qaÃwwaçmaç), and by certain forms of the absolute state of the nouns of such stems, e. g. tw<m'ñ death, compared with tWm to die. Hence in explaining the verbal forms a supposed stem qawam (in verbs y¾¾[ e. g. sëayat) was always assumed, and ~Wqy" was referred to an original yaqwuçm, the infinitive absolute ~Aq to original qawoÖm, the participle passive ~Wq to original qawuÖm. It must, however, be admitted: (1) that forms like dWE[ià~Yqi (see m) are only to be found in the latest books, and are hence evidently secondary as compared with the pure Hebrew forms ~meAq, &c.; (2) that to refer the verbal forms invariably to the stem ~w:q', leads in many cases to phonetic combinations which are essentially improbable, whereas the assumption of original middle-vowel stems renders a simple and natural explanation almost always possible. These W¾¾[, stems are therefore to be rigidly distinguished from the real w¾¾[ stems of the strong forms, such as xw:r'à[w:G", &c. (see below, gg).— As early as the eleventh century the right view with regard to W¾¾[ stems was taken by Samuel HannagiÖd (cf. Bacher, Leben und Werke des Abulwalid, p. 16); recently by Böttcher (Lehrbuch, § 1112), and (also as to [¾¾[ stems) especially by Müller, Stade, and Wellhausen (see above, § 67 a, note). On the other hand, the old view of w and y as consonants has been recently revived by Philippi, Barth, M. Lambert, and especially Brockelmann (op. cit.).

2[1] In Aramaic, however, always T'm.q'ñ; also in Hebrew grammars before QimhÌi T'm.q'ñàyTim.q'ñ, &c., are found, but in our editions of the Bible this occurs only in pause, e. g. yTim.q+' Mi 7:8, Wnt.m'ñ 2 K 7:3, 4.

3[2] According to Stade (Grammatik, § 385 e and f) the e in tme is of the nature of a diphthong (from ai, which arose from the union of the vowel , the sign of the intransitive, with the of the root), and likewise the o in rAa, &c. (from au). But. (from au) could not, by § 26 p, remain in a closed penultima (T'v.Bñ, &c.); consequently the o of these forms can only be tone-long, i.e. due to lengthening of an original , and similarly the of tme to lengthening of an original . This is confirmed by the fact that the inT.v.BàyTiv.BñàWnv.Bñ is always, and in WvBñ, 3rd plur. perfect, nearly always (the instances are 11 to 2), written defectively. Forms like hv'ABñàWvABñàWrAañ, &c., are therefore due to orthographic licence.

4[1] So in Arabic, prop. qaÖÈiçm, since the two vowels are kept apart by the insertion of an a, cf. Aram. ~aeq'; but also contracted, as sëaÖk, haÖr, for sëaÖÈiçk, &c. (cf. Wright's Gramm. of the Arabic Language, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 164).

5[2] ~t,boyv†eh]wX; 1 S 6:7 (cf. 2 Ch 6:25) could only be an orthographic licence for  äbv†ehw; perhaps, however,  äbyv†ihw was originally intended.

6[1] In 1 K 14:12 (ha'boB. before a genitive), the text is evidently corrupt: read with Klostermann after the LXX %aeboB..

7[1] Cf. Delitzsch's commentary on y Ps 3:8.

8[1] As the passive of this HiphÇiÖl we should expect the HophÇal xn:Wh, which is, no doubt, to be read for xN:Wh in La 5:5.